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FOUR LECTURES 



UPON 



RECEIT EVENTS II ITALY: 



Sriinmi in tjp Mm-^wk Wrasthj 



BY H. FOKBES, 



^ 



ol$ 



MARCH, 1851. 




NEW-YORK: 

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR BY D. FANSHAW, 
33 Ann, comer of Nassau-staeet. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, by H. Foebes, in the year of our Lord 
one thousand eight hundred and fifty-one, in the Clerk's Office of the District 
Court of the Southern District of New-York. 






n S 



OCT XTAXiir. 



In consequence of the desire expressed by several 
American citizens, that measures should be taken, by- 
means of lectures, to diffuse more generally among their 
fellow-countrymen a knowledge of the origin, progress 
and projects of the movement in Italy, I have prepared a 
course of four Lectures upon these points. 

Since the earliest days of the ancient Roman Repub- 
lic, that state exercised immense influence over all its 
neighbors, till eventually its power became predominant 
over the known world. There were then peculiar reasons 
for that greatness — some of these causes yet exist — but 
some have passed away, never to return, unless the world 
should recede in civilization, and leave Italy alone in pos- 
session of the arts of war and of peace. 

In the ancient world (if I may be permitted that ex- 
pression) Italy was so situated, geographically, as to be 
about the centre : dividing the Mediterranean Sea into 
two parts, and commanding not only the finest military, 
but likewise the best commercial position. Italy is, on 
its northern frontier, protected by an almost impassable 
barrier in the Alps, whence run that chain of mountains 
called the Apenines, traversing the centre of the Peninsula 



4 FIRST LECTURE, 

from North to South. From the main ridge various small 
branches diverge ; while the plains are intersected with 
large, deep and rapid rivers : thus offering to the inhabi- 
tants great facilities for resistance against an invading foe. 
The fertility of the soil is not surpassed t>y any country — 
its climate ranks among the finest in the world — and the 
mines produce abundance of iron, copper, silver, coal, sul- 
phur, and every mineral requisite for the use of man. 

Since the old system of the universe, in which our 
world was supposed to be flat, passed away, and gave 
place to our new (or round) globe, the relative situation 
of Italy became likewise changed. 

To what nation is due this passing away of the old 
world, and the installation of the young one 1 Who dared 
first to pronounce our planet to be round 1 Who had 
the courage and the intelligence to seek this continent, in 
defiance of all obstacles, prejudices, and persecutions ? To 
Italian intellect and perseverance we owe not only these 
discoveries, but likewise the mariner's compass, the bank- 
ing system, the telescope, the verification of the earth's 
motion, the discovery of the laws of gravitation, the revi- 
val of the arts and of literature, the thermometer, the ba- 
rometer, galvanism, and the fundamental principles of 
nearly all our modern improvements. The mental culti- 
vation imported from Greece to Italy has never left that 
soil; through the Eepublic it passed on to the Empire, 
and even protracted its existence during the reign of " The 
Dark Ages," when, throughout the known world, it was 
extinguished in all other spots. 

Popery has contrived in latter times to suppress in- 
tellectual development in certain professions and pursuits ; 
but in such channels as it can flow, without incurring the 
blighting suspicion of the Priests, it still shines brighter in 
Italy than in any other atmosphere. Nor is intellectual 
quickness confined to an educated few in that country — it 



FIRST LECTURE, 5 

is to be found there rough and unpolished throughout the 
people in general* It is an error to suppose that popular 
education is at a lower ebb in Italy than in any other 
country in Europe. The knowledge of reading and writing 
generally diffused among the population in Northern Italy 
is scarcely equalled anywhere, unless it be in Prussia, 
or in the United States. Even in the kingdom of Naples, 
which is comparatively far behind the rest of Italy, many 
of the inhabitants in the poorest rural districts can read. 
The national genius of the nation has been more successful 
in preserving and in developing the seeds of learning in- 
herited from their ancestors, than tyranny has been in its 
endeavor to prevent their growth, 

A very natural question must arise in the mind of all 
men who hear these remarks. How, then, could a nation 
possessing such advantages allow itself to be trodden un- 
der foot by domestic and foreign oppression ? The expla- 
nation can be given in a few words — by means of Priest- 
craft ! But the power of the priests is passing away — 
the nation now perceives the baneful consequences of this 
influence, professedly spiritual, but really political. The 
people are resolved, at any cost, to free themselves from 
the combined dominion of despotism, whether clerical, 
military, domestic, or foreign. The undertaking is ardu- 
ous — but it is holy. The neighboring tyrants fully appre- 
ciate the importance of the effort : hence the formation of 
armed coalitions, and the activity of diplomacy to strangle 
young liberty in Italy, before it can attain its manhood. 
But Italy is not disheartened by these difficulties— she is, 
on the contrary, spurred forward to greater exertions. The 
Italian patriots seek the alliance of no royal government, 
but they desire the friendship and sympathy of all free 
people in their struggle against the common enemy of 
mankind. To prevent the Italians from obtaining that 
good will, every possible artifice is called into play. 



6 FIRST LECTURE. 

The political events in Italy, both during the decline 
and since the fall of the Roman Empire, having been 
caused by the priesthood, it is necessary that I should 
notice some of the principal points which give such im- 
mense power into the hands of the Pope. This climax 
was gradually reached through apparently insignificant 
encroachments of the clergy, by which, having laboriously 
and perseveringly secured a foundation, it became compa- 
ratively easy for them to erect the superstructure of that 
colossal edifice, which not only overshadowed Italy, but 
even the remotest regions of the earth. 

In calling your attention to the following superstitions, 
I desire that it may be clearly understood that these evils 
do not exist in Italy alone, but that they are the natural 
inheritance of Popery, whether in Spain — France — Ireland, 
or elsewhere. Since the Pope has been able to wrest the 
sceptre of the world from the Roman Emperors, and to cheat 
even the Italians out of their nationality and their liberty t 
the remaining nations of the earth may be assured that there 
can be but little hope for themselves, if in an unguarded 
hour, Popery should be permitted to obtain a footing on 
their soil. 

The history of the early Christians is not the object of 
the present discourse. I must, however, remark, that so 
long as these congregations regulated themselves upon re. 
publican principles they got on remarkably well. So great 
was their success, that at length the princes and nobles 
considered it would be their interest to join them ; they 
took the rising religion under their protection, and (as 
it always happens with royal and noble reforms) conduct- 
ed the current into the most impure channel. Young 
Christianity was eventually absorbed by old Paganism — 
the statues of the gods became statues of saints, and the 
various temples (nominally Christian churches) continued, 
as before, to be the resort of Pagan idolators. 



FIRST LECTURE. 7 

Among the instances of heathen gods turned into 
saints, or of saints turned into heathen gods, we find the 
image of Jupiter turned into St. Peter — in the right 
hand was formerly brandished a thunderbolt, which is now 
supplanted by a key. In such reverence is this idol held, 
that the right foot is reduced to half the thickness of its fel- 
low, from the kisses of the faithful, who come on pilgrim- 
age from all parts of the globe, more even than from Italy. 

Under the Popish superstition all virtues or vices have 
their protecting saint or god, the same as under the ex- 
ploded heathen system. St. Disma is the god (or protect- 
ing saint) against thieves. St. Nicola, the protector of 
thieves. St. Martin, of soldiers. St. Demetrius, who rais- 
ed a tumult against Paul, because he feared he would 
spoil the trade of image-making, has been dubbed the pa- 
tron of silver-smiths. Diseases and the various parts of 
the human body have their special saint or saintess, the 
classification depending generally upon the reputed occu- 
pation, mode of martyrdom, or death of the sainted indi- 
vidual. St. Lucia presides over diseases of the eyes, having 
been reported to have had her eyes put out. St. Appolonia 
is supposed, in her martyrdom, to have had her teeth ex- 
tracted, therefore, all Papists — Spanish, Irish, Portuguese, 
or others — suffering under the tooth-ache, are recommend- 
ed to pray, but especially to ?nake some present to her. St. 
Agata presides over diseases of the breast. St. Barbara 
protects from lightning. St. Biaggio the throat. St. An- 
dreas apoplexy, &c. &c. 

The Madonnas are innumerable — each priest, convent 
or church, upholds his own and proclaims her superiority 
over the neighboring pictures or statues. There are, 
among the most celebrated, the Madonna of the moun- 
tain, of the dreams, of fire, of the fountain, of the sun, snow, 
well, grotto, hail, lightning, &c. &c. Also a black madon- 
na, WITH A LITTLE BLACK JESUS. 



8 FIRST LEG TUBE. 

Some years ago I saw near Toeplitz, in Bohemia, a 
groop of idols representing the Father, Son, and Holy 
'Ghost. The Father was represented as an elderly gentle- 
man, seated in an arm-chair ; the Son, a younger and 
more slim figure, was seated at his right hand ; while the 
Holy Ghost, in the form of a triangle with glory, was 
perched upon the right shoulder of the Father and the left 
shoulder of the Son. I saw several processions of pil- 
grims along the road, such as I have never seen in Italy. 

Even in England we find that the Pope has sent a 
cargo of relics, duly authenticated nails from the cross — of 
which there are already a good number in various places. 
The Virgin's milk, &c. &c. (Vide debates in Parliament, 
and the address of Cardinal Wiseman. 

Beasts, birds, insects, &o. have their protecting saints. 
St. Antonio, abate, is the protector of horses, cows, pigs, 
and asses — which are sprinkled with holy water once a 
year, (St. Antonio's day,) at the cathedral or church. For 
an extra trifle the priest will save the fat pig or the stub- 
born ass the walk to church, by visiting, sprinkling and 
blessing him in his gty or stable. Cities, villages, fields, 
houses, families and individuals have their patron saint, 
of whom they generally possess (or believe that they 
possess) some relic. The various altars are so plentifully 
supplied with relics that, if these fragments were to be put 
together, some saints would possess more than one head, 
and most of them would be furnished with several arms 
and legs. St. Appolonia had in her shrines several bushels 
of her own teeth. The Italians having wittily said " what a 
mouthshe must have had" — his Holiness issued an order call 
ing them in. All these odds and ends are duly certified to be 
genuine, and to work miracles. In certain countries, where 
other religious denominations exist, and where, therefore, 
prudence prevents any display which might cause compari- 
sons injurious to Popery, these methods of procuring money 



FIRST LECTURE. 9 

are kept as private as possible, but the dangerous delusion 
that Popery is different in one country from another 
should be constantly guarded against. It may feign to 
accommodate itself to circumstances, but that is only de- 
ception, till it can venture to show itself in its true colors 
and without any disguise, as it hopes soon to do in America. 

I will not, however, take up the time of my hearers 
with matters of dogma, the explanation of which I would 
rather leave to a Doctor of Divinity, but I must request a 
few moments attention to the practical working of this 
system, that you may comprehend the dreadful state to 
which Popery can reduce a country, and appreciate the dif- 
ficulties which the Italian patriots have had to encounter. 

So soon as the old religion had assumed the name of 
Christianity, and the gods and goddesses, with their priests, 
had been saved from penury by undergoing baptism, 
then the artful men at the head of this change commenced 
applying to their purposes such Biblical texts as could be 
construed in favor of their schemes of ambition, while the 
remainder was studiously concealed, the people being told 
that none but the priests cculd understand the inter- 
pretation. 

The priests having been permitted to obtain a footing 
in the government of the state, the throne of the Caesars 
gradually gave way to the chair of St. Peter. The Popes 
then began to exercise a sway over Italy and the rest of 
Europe, such as none of the Emperors had been able to 
acquire. Consuls, Proconsuls, Senators and other honor- 
able civil and military officers were replaced by a horde of 
cunning hypocritical Cardinals and Bishops, backed by 
legions of friars and nuns. In those times the art of print- 
ing had not been invented — the facilities of communica- 
tion between the different parts of the country were few, 
— everything likely to enable the laity to obtain instruc- 
tion was discouraged, so that knowledge was monopolized 



10 FIRST' LECTURE. 

by the clergy, the populations became daily more hood- 
winked, and the atrocious system gained strength. Vari- 
ous attempts were, from time to time, made in Europe to 
throw off this horrible incubus ; till Popery succumbed in 
England and in part of Germany. But the priests were 
well aware of the vital importance of keeping Rome free 
from the infection of heresy, therefore they concentrated 
their forces round their capital, and exterminated the non- 
conformed in Italy. 

Up to the epoch of the Reformation, the authority of 
the Pope in all matters exceeded that of any temporal 
Prince. From that date his Holiness was obliged to di- 
vide his power with the chiefs of the several states. This 
infringement upon his prerogative the Pope submitted to 
most unwillingly ; and all successive Pontiffs have shown 
their determination to reassert and to reassume their 
"Divine Right" on the earliest opportunity. Till such 
an occasion may present itself, Popery having, per se, no 
physical force to uphold itself, trusts for that to the bayo- 
nets of the princes ; while these despots exact, as payment 
from the Pope, tha$ the Papal priesthood shall spiritually 
assist them in maintaining their royal and autocratical 
sway over the people. Such is the unholy alliance which 
the nations of Europe are striving to break up, by intro- 
ducing the principle of Civil and Religious Freedom. 

When we contemplate the spiritual means which the 
Pope has at his disposal, it will no longer be surprising 
that the overthrow of the despotic system should not be 
accomplished in the short space of time in which we all 
desire it should be ; but you must reflect that such revo- 
lutions require time to mature, and that they must have a 
beginning before they can have a conclusion. The nucleus 
of thinking patriots must, in all countries, be at first 
small ; and their opinions can only be disseminated by 
patient labor in the midst of difficulties and dangers, and 



FIRST LECTURE. 11 

in defiance of prejudice, bigotry, and ignorance. In Ame- 
rica, previous to the Kevolution of '75, there were many 
ways of instructing the public respecting their rights and 
their interests ; but in Italy these means were comparative- 
ly few. Nevertheless, the symptoms of American revo- 
lution were for a long time evident, "before actual hostili- 
ties commenced. 

Let us investigate the means at the disposal of the 
Pope and the despots ; then let^ us observe how the pa- 
triots combatted these obstacles. \ Let us commence with 
Auricular Confession, which is the most potent lever in 
the hands of the priests, by which all family ties are rent 
asunder, friendship and confidence are overthrown, and 
liberty crushed. From the earliest infancy of Popish 
children, their rigid attendance at confession is inculcated as 
indispensable, under the pretence that any sins can be 
forgiven after their confession, and through that means 
only. Some minor or venial sins can be wiped off by any 
common priest, while mortal sins require higher function- 
aries to whitewash them ; and even in certain cases the 
Pope himself has to grant a special indulgence to the 
delinquent. 

The ceremony of confession is gone through without 
the exaction of any fee. Secrets have to be coaxed out j 
of the simple; and were not that process gratuitous, / 
much very valuable political information would be lost to 
the government and to Mother Church. 

But indulgences, masses, sums to be distributed in 
alms, (with Priests, charity begins at home,) make the 
gratuitous confession a very expensive business. Not the 
actions only, but the very thoughts are to be divulged to 
the confessor.* Thus the priest becomes thoroughly 
versed in the projects, hopes, fears, doubts, opinions, &c. 

* Vide Dean's Theology. 



12 FIRST LECTURE. 

of the entire neighborhood. Did this imposture merely 
empty the pockets of a few silly old women, though ex- 
tremely improper, it would not merit to occupy one of 
the chief places among the evils of Popery ; but it is, in 
point of fact, the main reliance of despotism, by which it 
is enabled to enthral the masses. The father confessor is 
generally pretty well informed of the persons from whom 
the inquisitors, or the political agents, are anxious to 
worm out revelations ; and under the cross-questioning of 
a skilful Jesuit, few secrets can be kept concealed. Wives 
are thus drawn into bearing witness against their husbands 
— mothers against their children — little children against 
their parents — servants against their employers — friend 
against friend. Unguarded expressions of any man in the 
midst of his family, (should priestcraft or kingcraft be the 
object of his conversation,) will often consign the father 
of a family to the Inquisition, or to death. 

The difficulties and dangers in breaking up such a sys- 
tem are immense; for before a Papist will leave his creed, 
he must first be brought into a state of doubt ; which 
doubt generally gets known to the confessor. The person 
through whom the doubt has been disseminated gets into 
the Inquisition, while the doubter himself has a good 
chance of travelling the same road. 

Should a person entirely neglect the confessional, he is 
reported accordingly to the authorities ; and if any one 
should have been absent for any length of time from his 
parish, he is closely watched after his return till his opi- 
nions have been ascertained. The union of a few persons 
disaffected against the existing order of abuses is, there- 
fore, extremely hazardous. 

According to the regulations of the priests, no confes- 
sor can divulge a secret confided to him through the con- 
fessional ; and any priest who does so far forget his situa- 
tion as to betray these secrets, is supposed to commit the 



FIRST LECTURE. 13 

greatest crime. I never heard of a priest who had be- 
trayed a secret, even of a most atrocious deed, provided it 
be merely an offence against morality, or the decalogue ; 
/but when the knowledge acquired affects the interest of 
the Government or of 'the Church, without the confessor 
ostensibly taking any measures, the information does in 
a most singular manner find its way into the bureaux of, 
the Inquisition, or of the political police. 

I will give an example of the discovery of the secret 
society called the Young Italy, through the confessional, 
in Calabria. The existence of this society was known, 
but the Neapolitan government could procure no traces of 
the corresponding members, or of their plans. The con- 
fessors, therefore, were applied to, and the mitre was an- 
nounced as the reward of the priest who could squeeze out 
of some penitent the desired information. A certain 

S was among the number of those suspected ; his 

wife was, consequently, questioned as to the persons who 
were intimate with her husband — the hypocritical priest 
professing the greatest esteem for her family, and pre- 
tending to have no other desire than to give so excellent 
and Christian a woman good advice as to the persons who 
frequented her house. This innocent and unsuspecting 
woman defended all the associates of her husband, and in 
proof of their excellence, went home to fetch some pa- 
pers showing their philanthropic projects. The father con- 
fessor, having the bishopric nearly within his grasp, waited 
for her return. Having perused the papers, and having 
expressed his satisfaction at discovering that all her hus- 
band's friends were such good people, he requested per- 
mission to keep these documents till the next day, that he 
might consider them more attentively, and give her advice 
if there should appear to be anything improper in their 
schemes ; and the reverend father carried them direct to 
the Intendente of the King. Nobody could blame the 



14 FIRST LEC'tCRf. 

unfortunate woman : the fault lay with the diabolical sfWr 
em, and the reverend yiper who sat in the confessional. / 

Not only do the Priests pry into the family secrets of 
4he whole neighborhood, but they likewise strive to ma- 
nage the private affairs of their flocks : to make and patcfo 
up again household quarrels — to take the education of the 
youth into their hands, lest they should become too en- 
lightened — and even to act as matrimonial agtents. The 
multiplicity of these occupations, each of which is, per se T 
productive of more or less vice, requires- a proportionate- 
host of ecclesiastics ; and a host indeed they are. 

As this immense spiritual army exercises no useful 
calling by which its members may contribute towards the 
productions of the country, they have to be provided for 
fcy the labor of their neighbors. Various methods arey 
therefore, put in practice, through which to replenish their 
pockets and their cellars ; of which inventions the most 
lucrative is Purgatory, whereby persons are taxed after 
they are dead: This matter, however, having very little 
of a political bearing, E shall not treat of; neither shall f 
say much about convents, which are scattered over the 
country, like so many citadels of superstition, where the 
inmates, fearless of exposure, may indemnify themselves 
for that demure behaviour which prudence dictates to them 
to assume outside the walls. Though I have lived for 
many years in Italy, I did not, till the summer of 1849 r 
/ become fully aware of the hypocrisy of the Monks, or 
get an insight into the luxury of the monastic life, which I 
procured from the circumstance of the troops being fre- 
quently quartered in some of these establishments. I 
now can certify that the mendicant friars have stores of 
every sort of provision — all of the choicest quality. Un- 
til the occasion alluded to above, I did not believe that 
Italy could produce such exquisite wines as I discovered 
in their cellars. I have inspected many of their kitchens, 



/ 






FIRST LECTURE. 15 

and I can certify that they resembled museums of culinary 
utensils. I found in each cell a bunch of knotted cords, 
called a " discipline,'" with which each monk is provided 
for the ostensible purpose of self-flagellation — I could not 
discover one which bore the slightest traces of having 
<ever been used— they were covered with dirt and dust, and 
were, literally speaking, " laid upon the shelf" 

There are two sorts of Convents — one for females, into 
which I never entered, called nunneries — and the other, 
■called monasteries, for men, concerning which I have just 
made some observations. Nunneries serve the double 
purpose of schools for young ladies, and ef locating nuns.* 
Monasteries serve to lodge monks in, and as places *of con- 
finement under the central establishment of the Inquisition. 

The celibacy of the Priesthood has a politico-religious 
aspect, as it tends more completely to isolate the priest 
from his fellow men. 

The society of Jesus, the members of which are call- 
ed " Jesuits," was {and is) the persevering antagonist of 
nil those who strive to ameliorate the condition of their 
fellow men. This order of monks forms tho most power- 
\ ful political society in the world. It has all the advantages 
of a secret organization — nobody can discover its inten- 
tions, or its means of action, though every body tnay feel 
its effects. It is assisted by diplomacy and despotism — ■ 
the regulations G>f the order, and the education of its mem- 
bers especially fit them to perform the duties of a- poli- 
tico-clerical police. They acknowledge no law but the 
commands of their superior — -they have no sympathy but 
for their own sect. They are cruel and unrelenting, when 
1 they have power — but they are cringing, hypocritical and 
sanctified, when in search of it. They attach great im- 
portance to getting the confessional into their ltands — also 
to having the management of public education. They well 

* Vide Cardinal Rioci eu Convents. 



16 FIRST LECTURE. 

\ know that u knowledge is power,'''' and they try to monopo- 

J lize all for themselves. | When they discover a lad of fine 

; natural abilities, every artifice is put into practice to draw y 

him to them. If they succeed in their project, then no 

pains are spared in the education of one whom they destine 

<Pas a bulwark to the order. But if, after receiving some 

education, he be suspected of possessing too much inde- 

1 pendence, then horrible persecutions are carried on against 

)him. I have been informed by very reliable authority, that 
lir'the west of the United States they have, under names 
of agents of their own, very extensive estates, and that 
they are continually purchasing more. You will become 
acquainted with their reasons for this, when they feel that 
they can defy you — but not before. 

The Jesuits have their agents in all parts of the world 
— they keep up an active correspondence between their 
detached branches, and never abandon their brethren. 
They profess to be poor — but a law suit in Paris, a few 
years ago, against one of their agents, exposed some of 
their wealth in that country. They have frequently been 
banished from the various States of Europe ; but they 
laugh at such impotent proceedings. Those among them, 
who are well known to belong to their society, of course 
leave the country where they are prohibited ; but & fresh 
importation speedily arrives to take their place ; so that 
the same projects can be carried on by the new corners, 
who, assuming some other garb, are unsuspected and un- 
molested. In England and America they set up a cry of 
liberty of conscience. In Italy they oppose all toleration. 
A very natural doubt might arise in the mind of 
any man, viz : how can a nation, entangled in such meshes 
ever hope to free itself? The answer is that Popery, 
which has always been the insuperable obstacle which has 
impeded the cause of Freedom in Italy, has no longer the 
hold which it once had upon the masses. Through the 



S'lRST LECTURE. 1? 

persevering efforts of the Patriots, and through the gene- 
ral enlightenment of the age, Priestcraft in Italy is becom- 
ing very feeble. The educated classes have completely 
"emancipated themselves, intellectually speaking— except; 
some few who are attached to the courts of the Pope and 
the Princes, The deference which is yet paid to the 
clergy by a portion of the less educated among the popula- 
tion, is by far less than is found in other Catholic coun- 
tries — and even that is daily wearing away. The progress 
made during the two past years is perfectly surprising— 
and the Pope, by his obstinacy and felly, has contributed 
greatly to assist in his own overthrow. 

Having contemplated some of the sources of the 
power of Popery, we must next look at that of the Des- 
pots — against both which systems combined the Patriots 
had to operate, are yet contending, and will continue to 
struggle till both tyrannies be annihilated. 

On the breaking up of the ancient Roman Empire, 
Priestcraft, which had undermined the imperial govern- 
ment in Rome, and had installed itself in the capital, was 
not able to acquire sufficient temporal power to take pos- 
session of the entire edifice — militarily, as Well as spiri- 
tually. Consequently, the various provinces, or cities of 
Italy, freed from all submission to Rome, became sepa- 
rate, independent Republics — some being oonmied to the 
mere townships, while others extended their sway over 
large and rich districts. The Republics of "Genoa and of 
Venice were the most celebrated of these states, ^and were 
in existence up to the end of the last century, when they 
were absorbed by France. Upon the fall of Napoleon 
these provinces attempted to return to their former re- 
publican government, and since the rule laid down by the 
allies in 1815 was, that everything in Europe should be re- 
established on the same footing as existed previous to 
the breaking out of the French revolution, the Genoese 

2* 



18 FIRST LECTUR2. 

and the Venitians had both law and equity on their side — - 
but the allies had might, and consequently right was 
" cast into outer darkness." The forcible annexation of 
the republic of Genoa to the crown of Piedmont, (diplo- 
matically called Sardinia,) and that of Venice to the em- 
pire of Austria, form two black items among a long list 
of other iniquities which the treaties of 1815 announced 
to the world. 

All the inhabitants of Italy speak one common language, 
have the same manners and customs — and are indisputably 
stamped by nature as one nation. Diplomacy has, how- 
ever, pronounced a contrary decision. God has created 
Italy one. The Pope, with his allies, the despots, have 
united their spiritual and physical forces to divide it, that 
they may enslave it. To grasp at a temporary triumph, 
they violate the laws of God, evident by His acts. 

The territorial divisions, as decided by the spoliators of 
1815, are the following : The ancient republic of Venice 
and the Duchy of Milan, (diplomatically styled the Lom- 
bardo Venetian Kingdom,) extend from the high grounds 
near the river Isonzo (N. E.) along the Alps to the Lago 
Maggiore, along the river Tecino on the west, and fol- 
lowing nearly the course of the river Po on the south, 
contain about 5,500,000 inhabitants, and are under the 
rule of the Emperor of Austria. 

The province of Piedmont, the ancient republic of Ge- 
noa, the Duchy of Savoy (on the west of the Alps) 
together with the island of Sardinia, are under the dominion 
of the King of Sardinia, Victor Emanuel, son of Charles 
Albert. The amount of population is 4,500,000. The 
capital is Turin, in Piedmont. 

The next province we come to, going southward, is the 
little Duchy of Parma — ruled now by a Spanish Bourbon. 
The population is a little above 400,000. 

The next is the Duchy of Modena, under an Austrian 



FIRST LECTURE. 19 

arch-duke. There- may be about 500 to 600 inhabitants, 
In the limits of this Duchy are the celebrated marble 
quarries of Carrara, a few miles from the Mediterranean, 
near Massa. 

Bordering upon the last three provinces, towards the 
north, having the sea to the west, and on the south and 
east, the states of the church, lies the Grand Duchy of 
Tuscany, the capital of which is Florence. The population 
numbers about 2,000,000. The island of Elba, celebrated 
as having been the place of banishment of Napoleon, is 
comprised in the Duchy, which is ruled by an Austrian 
arch-duke^- 

The next State we come to, is that governed by the 
Pope. Its northern confines reach the river Po — the east 
is washed by the Adriatic — the south borders upon the 
kingdom of Naples, and the west upon the Mediterranean 
in part, and partly on Modena and Tuscany. The capital 
is Borne. The population number about 3,000,000. 

The little republic of St. Marino is on the border of the 
Apenines, near Remini, It is under the nominal protec- 
tion of the Pope, though in fact it is independent, and is 
the most ancient State in Europe. It numbers about 
7000 inhabitants ; but in our brief narrative, it is too 
small to occupy a political position. 

The foot of Italy, from the southern frontier of the 
Roman states to the sea, is under the rule of Eerdinand, 
the King of Naples, a Spanish Bourbon, commonly known 
by the name of Bomba, from his bombarding propensities. 
Under the same despotism comes the island of Sicily. 
The entire amount of the subjects of King Bomba is be- 
tween 8 and 9,000,000, viz : 2,000,000 in Sicily, and the 
rest on the Continent. 

Though these states (being under absolute Princes) 
are badly governed, those under clerical tyranny and 
under the King of Naples, suffer even worse than their 



20 nasi uctwru. 

neighbors. The same line of internal policy pervades the 
whole of the " divine right " governments of Europe, 
Private security, public morality, progress and prosperity 
are totally lost sight of by the courts, in the all absorbing 
consideration of the stability of the Prince, and of his 
■entourage. Hence all those ameliorations likely to im^ 
prove mankind — education and mental cultivation — all 
facilities of locomotion and communication are looked 
upon with suspicion and aversion, and innumerable obsta* 
cles are thrown in the way of all progress, while the clergy 
anathematise all modern improvements, as " inventions 
of the devil" 

The transmission of ideas is especially feared by the 
despots. Hence the sacredness of letters by the post is 
constantly violated, and even the mere visiting between 
families is saddled with inconveniences. Under the pre- 
text of police regulation, no person can give a relative a 
night's lodging without informing the police — no person 
can travel more than a very few miles round his imme- 
diate neighborhood unless he be provided with a passport, 
which it is not easy to procure, unless the request be 
backed by satisfactory reasons for his intended locomotion \ 
and even then the passport is only accorded for a limit- 
ed time, and with many restrictions. This passport system 
pervades the whole continent of Europe j but in the Italian 
states it is particularly stringent, As the impatience of the 
people under this yoke was constantly showing itself, the 
Princes very frequently found themselves obliged, (??iost 
unwillingly) to pay some defference to public opinion, lest 
the outbreaks of '21 and : 31 might be renewed, The reli- 
ance of the Princes was based upon three main props, Po- 
pery, the Austrian army, and the want of a good understand* 
ing among all classes, and all provinces of Italy. Therefore^ 
every contrivance which could keep the provinces of Italy 
divided and at variance, by stirring up ancient jealousies, 



FIRST LECTURE, 21 

or creating fresh ones, has always been eagerly seized 
upon by the despots — mindful of the old proverb " divide 
and conquer." Not only had each state a very stringent 
customs cordon, exacting heavy duties and exercising a 
political surveillance over travellers ; but nearly each 
separate city had the same pestilential circle drawn 
around it. 

To perpetuate such horrible tyranny, a strong armed 
force must of course be always at hand to enforce the 
orders of the civil authorities, for Priestcraft alone could 
not maintain the reign of such antinational and inhuman 
princes. The spirit of nationality and of liberty having 
always existed more or less among the people, the trusting 
in Italian bayonets alone was too chimerical for any royal- 
ist statesman to rely upon. Consequently a numerous po- 
lice, composed of the most disreputable characters, was 
maintained — and a small military force of natives was kept, 
of which, all the generals and a majority of the officers 
were attached to the court. By these means the princes 
strove to keep their states in such a helpless condition, as 
not to be able to resist foreign invasion, for the obvious 
reason, that on the first symptom of a popular outbreak, 
the Austrian army could step in unopposed, and suppress 
it. Besides this iniquitous contrivance to render the 
people powerless, the Pope and the King of Naples had 
strong bodies of Swiss mercenaries in their pay. Thus 
these antinational Princes and their traitorous accomplices, 
in the acquisition of personal aggrandisement, consented 
to become the viceroys of a foreign invader ! In a little 
pamphlet which I lately published for distribution, some 
examples were given of the alliance between the priest- 
ly and the royal despotisms, it is therefore useless to 
repeat them here. 

Against such an array of obstacles, the scattered and 
persecuted patriots had to contend in their endeavors to 



22 FIRST LECTURE. 

ameliorate the condition of their country. The daily 
press — which in England and America is a medium 
through which abuses can be exposed, and remedies sug- 
gested — was hardly in existence In Italy. That engine was 
enchained by more stringent police regulations than were 
devoted to protecting the public against highwaymen. 
The publication of any printing whatever, was strictly 
prohibited, unless it had first obtained the sanction of go- 
vernment officers, called censors. These officers arbitra- 
rily rejected every word or sentence having any bearing, 
directly or indirectly, upon religion, politics, or progress. 
So extremely susceptible were (and are) these censors 
(who are dependent entirely upon the government for 
their offices) that few works receive their approval with- 
out having undergone barbarous mutilations, which some- 
times so change the character of the text as to make it 
no longer worth publishing. The few and very small 
newspapers which existed before 1847, were only govern- 
ment organs, appeared rarely, and recorded topics of no 
interest. To remedy this defeet, previous to the com- 
mencement of the revolution, a clandestine patriotic press 
supplied the public with much useful information, and 
eombatted the antinational principles of the Austrian Sa- 
traps. The persecutions and executions inflicted by the 
tyrants, instead of checking the labors of the patriots, 
only served to demonstrate more clearly the necessity of 
their perseverance, and also the righteousness of their 
cause. 

Every public expression of opinion being suppressed, 
secret societies of course existed throughout the country. 
Of these, the most celebrated was the Carbonari, into 
which Charles Albert and a Prince of the House of Na- 
ples were admitted. Each of these royal conspirators 
were actuated by motives of personal ambition, and this 
society was eventually broken up — the natural conse- 
quence of having imprudently admitted two Princes. 



FIRST LECTURE, 2§ 

The society called " Young Italy," was next formed, 
of which Mazzini was president, and Guerrazzi secretary. 
Through the instr omental Lfcy of this secret association, the 
diffusion of liberal ideas progressed rapidly, for the apt- 
ness of the people to comprehend the great questions laid 
before them, greatly facilitated the labors of the patriots. 

Several partial insurrections, from time to time, had oc- 
curred, contrary to the wish of the leading patriots ; but the 
movements being premature, could produce no practical 
good, the leaven required a certain time to work — the 
preparatory labors had not been completed — and priestly 
influence had yet some venom left. 

The old Pope Gregory XVI was a man of considerable 
talent. His tyranny, however, surpassed his prudence, 
and contributed much towards bringing Popery into dis- 
repute and odium. His hired emissaries misled him as 
to the extent of the revolutionary spirit among the people, 
which they flattered him could be easily suppressed ; but 
ages of misrule had undermined the foundation of the 
church itself, so that in the year 1846 the proper time for 
action seemed to be imminent. While things in Italy 
were in this situation, Gregory died rather suddenly, (May 
80, 1846,) and the Cardinals were called upon to elect his 
successor. The majority of the Cardinals were men of li- 
mited views, very indifferent mental cultivation, and a most 
imperfect knowledge of the world — which is natural for 
men brought up in a cloister — but some few among them, 
who had enjoyed greater advantages, were adroit minis- 
ters, and very dangerous adversaries to the liberal party. 

The unexpected death of Gregory, and the election of 
Pio IX, caused some change in the projected march of 
revolution. Instead of rising in insurrection, there was 
a general disposition throughout the nation to see first 
what course the new Pope intended to take. This was 
certainly the most moderate and humane line of conduct ; 



24 FIRST LECTURE, 

but it caused the failure of the first attempt, because it 
was based upon the delusion that Popes, Cardinals and 
Princes might yield to the public good, and become sin- 
cere reformers. One advantage, however, does certainly 
result from this course, viz : The evidence that the mo- 
tives of the patriots in agitating and in recommending re- 
forms, did not spring from a love of revolution, or a de- 
sire for personal gain, or of patronage. 

The election of a Pope is managed by the conclave of 
Cardinals, who select, by ballot, one out of their own num- 
ber. During the election, their eminences are confined to 
the palace, where each has his apartment ; but where no- 
body except an ambassador can visit any of them. The 
voting takes place twice each day, in the chapel. No 
election is valid unless two-thirds, at least, of all the. 
votes concur in naming the same individual. No Car- 
dinal can vote for himself, without vitiating his vote, 
therefore the ballot papers are provided with two leaves — 
on one of which is written the name of the voter — and 
on the other side, the words, "I vote for Cardinal A. B. 
or C. to fill the office of High Priest." Should the ma- 
jority be precisely two-thirds, then the names of the voters 
are examined, to verify whether that cardinal in whose 
favor the majority has voted, should have thrown in his 
vote for himself, as in that case his vote could be annulled, 
and the required majority (two-thirds) would not have 
been obtained. Should the majority have one vote more 
than the actual number of two-thirds, then there is no 
occasion to verify the names of the cardinals who have 
voted, for the election is good, even should the Pope elect 
have voted for himself. 

The election of Pio IX took place on the second day of 
the conclave, for which very unusual circumstance, various 
motives have been assigned. Some have ascribed it to 
accident — some have supposed that it was done for the 



FIRST LECTURE. 25 

purpose of keeping out some person who was feared, and 
of whom many of their eminences were jealous, in which 
case, the insignificance of Cardinal Mastai must have been 
a great recommendation in his favor. Some have ima- 
gined that the peculiar situation of popular opinion re- 
quired that the election should be instantly made, that the 
cardinals might not be kept shut up in the Vatican, while 
it was well known that preparations for a revolution were 
being made, and arms were being prepared throughout the 
country — a petition for reforms was presented by the 
people to the conclave, couched in energetic language, and 
this certainly alarmed the cardinals. 

The elevation of Cardinal Mastai occurred on 16th 
June, 1846. His age was 54. He was at that epoch, 
Bishop of Imola. The commencement of the revolution 
may be said to date from that day. 

Lest the new Pope should not be fully acquainted with 
the desire of the nation, the people, immediately after his 
election, congregated under the windows of the Vatican, 
and with applause and evivas called him to the balcony. 
Such a demonstration of affection could not give offence. 
The request for an amnesty was made most respectfully 
by the people, and his holiness after blessing the multi- 
tude retired to his apartment. Pio hesitated about the 
amnesty — he was flattered and pleased by the applause — 
afraid of the consequences of giving a refusal— and repug- 
nant to grant any serious concession. Attached to the 
Pope's court were some men less bigotted than the gene- 
rality of the priests, but who had no intention of progress- 
ing further than the rectification of a few of the most 
glaring abuses. These men had discernment enough to 
perceive the impending storm, and they hoped to ward 
off the revolution and to save Catholicism, by acceding 
to a few of the popular demands. 

The Jesuit party, on the contrary, opposed all concession. 
'6 



26 FIRST LECTURE. 

Their calculation was, that one reform only paves the way 
for another, therefore, that is best to resist from the com- 
mencement, while all the resources of the State are in their 
hands, and before the popular party can acquire more 
strength. Distracted between the disputes of these two 
parties, and bewildered between the impulses of his own 
fears and his bigotry, and perhaps having some feelings of 
humanity, Pio at length decided upon granting & partial 
amnesty. By this miserable expedient he exasperated the 
ultra-royalists and Jusuits, without satisfying the demands 
of the people, who now began to feel that they had some 
influence. On the publication of this first concession, crowds 
flocked to the palace, and while immense applause was 
heaped upon Pio, many significant suggestions were hazard- 
ed respecting the Jesuits having prevented the concession 
of the entire amnesty. The fate of all the reforms required 
by the people was similar — they were granted partially, 
reluctantly and late. The Pope got the credit of good 
intentions — the odium of the impediments fell only upon 
the Jesuits, and Pio found himself, against his inclination, 
one of the first reformers of the day, and the most populai 
sovereign in Europe. 

It was not to be supposed that Austria would look on 
at these proceedings with indifference. Reforms and con- 
cessions in any quarter would have alarmed her — but when 
these changes proceeded from a Pope, they became ten-fold 
more dangerous. Threats of an Austrian intervention were 
uttered, and the priests (or a large portion of them under 
imperial influence) declared the Pope to be mad : some 
there were who asserted that "Satan had entered into him." 
The Papal amnesty (though only partial) could not fail 
to be dangerous to the other despotisms of Italy. The 
return of the exiles from their banishment brought forth 
elements into the field, and an increased uneasiness mani- 
fested itself in other parts of the peninsula. 



FIRST LECTURE. 27 

To comprehend the interference of Lord Palmerston in 
this business, we must leave the Pope, and recall to our 
minds the affair of the Spanish marriages which had occur- 
red a short time previous. The old King of Spain, Ferdi- 
nand, left, at his death, two very } r oung daughters, between 
whom was divided an immense fortune, amounting (I believe) 
to about 80,000,000 francs each: besides the throne of Spain 
to the eldest girl, and the reversion to her sister, in case of 
the young queen having no children. Even before these 
heiresses were marriageable, the courts of Europe were in 
motion. Lord Palmerston of course had his two proteges : 
one a Coburg — the other a Spanish Bourbon. The queen 
mother had been some short time previous in exile in Paris, 
and there a plot was entered into between herself and 
Louis Philip, by which His Majesty engaged to furnish Cris- 
tina with money to bring about the reaction in Spain, re- 
ceiving in exchange the choice of one of the two heiresses 
for his unmarried son. The reaction having succeeded, and 
the queen mother having returned to Madrid, she quickly 
commenced preparations for liquidating her debt to the 
French King, believing such policy to be the best security 
for the preservation of her own position. Lord Palmerston 
got some suspicion of the project, and remonstrated accord- 
ingly; but the assurances of the King, and the extreme 
youth of the girls, calmed his Lordship's fears and he went 
to sleep — only to wake when too late. 

In vain his Lordship abused the French King — His 
Majesty had stolen a march upon him, and had secured the 
support of Austria by engaging to shut his royal eyes to 
any imperial aggressions in Italy. Lord Palmerston had 
never been so completely duped — but he obtained his 
revenge by encouraging the agitation in Italy, the echo of 
which in Paris drove Louis Philip from his throne? and 
immediately afterwards caused Metternich and his confede- 



28 PIRST LECTURE. 

rates to fly from Vienna, while the Emperor saved the dy- 
nasty by abdication. 

Having gratified his private pique, his Lordship next 
toiled to stop the revolution from going further, and the 
mischief which his diplomacy has occasioned has far out- 
balanced the little good he did at the commencement. 

In this first lecture I faave endeavored to explain the 
internal state of the country, previous to, and at the begin- 
ning of the revolution. I regret that in the narrow limits 
of a single evening more details cannot be enumerated. 
Before, however, closing this part of the narrative, I must 
correct an impression which has been very generally circu- 
lated by the friends of the Pope, who has been represented 
to have himself spontaneously opened the door of amelio- 
rations. So far from this being the truth, all the prepara- 
tions for a revolution were, at the moment of his nomi- 
nation, just completed, directed both against Pope and 
Princes ; but the hypocritical promises of Pio on his ac- 
cession stopped all these arrangements, broke up the secret 
societies, and placed him— a Pope — at the head of the 
revolution. 

All that has followed is a matter of course — the inevi- 
table consequence of the first blunder — trusting in the pro- 
mises and good faith of a Pope. 



©H XTAXilT. 



In the first Lecture I have endeavored to show the 
condition of Italy prior to the breaking out of the revolu- 
tion, that the terrible effects of that papal system upon a 
people might be understood — that the necessity to which 
the people are reduced to apply a radical remedy, should be 
made manifest — and that the great difficulties with which 
the patriots had to grapple, may be better appreciated 
than they hitherto have been. 

I have not numbered Lucca among the states which 
you have heard named, but that province was, according 
to the treaties of 1815, a separate state only until the 
year 1847, when it devolved by succession to the Grand 
Duke of Tuscany, by the death of the widow of Napoleon. 

During the convulsions which accompanied the French 
revolution of 1792, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, finding 
that his position in Italy was not over steady, accepted in 
lieu of his sovereignty a large pecuniary equivalent, and 
transferred the Duchy to the Duke of Parma, who took 
the title of King of Etruria. That order of things did 
not last long, and while the King of Etruria was driven 
into exile and into absolute poverty, the ex-Grand Duke 
of Tuscany lived comfortably on his estates in Austria, 

3* 



30 SECOND LECTURE. 

enjoying the sum which he received for the sale of his 
dukedom. 

On the restoration of the ancient order of things in 
1815, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, being an Austrian 
Arch-Duke, was reinstated on the throne which he had 
sold, while the Duke of Parma, (ex-King of Etruria,) was 
left on the pave, because the Duchy of Parma was want- 
ed for the ex-Empress Marie-Louise — not because she was 
the wife of Napoleon, but because she was the daughter 
of the Emperor of Austria. This glaring injustice was 
but a trifle compared with the wholesale robbery commit- 
ted, without any scruples, upon the rights of the people ; 
but His Eoyal Highness of Parma, ex-King of Etruria, 
being a Bourbon, the princes of that family protested in 
his favor, and a sort of compromise was entered into, by 
which the Duchy of Parma was to return to him upon the 
death of Marie-Louise, and until that time His Eoyal 
Highness should govern the Duchy of Lucca, constituted 
into a separate state, receiving likewise a considerable an- 
nual pension from the Grand Duke of Tuscany in consi- 
deration of the sum received for that duchy. The amount 
of inhabitants of the city and province of Lucca, (an an- 
cient republic,) is about 150,000, whom the Bourbon ruler 
oppressed by every species of exaction, so that the unfor- 
tunate people had reason to wish for the day when this 
petty tyrant would be transferred to Parma. This ex- 
cessive misrule caused the citizens to be more ripe for re- 
volt in his dominions than in any other part of Italy — the 
Papal states excepted, and he thought it prudent to clan- 
destinely escape on the earliest symptoms of the Italian 
revolution. The population declared his abandonment of 
the supreme authority to be a virtual abdication, and that 
consequently their territory became a part of the Duchy 
of Tuscany. The Duke of Lucca appealed to Austria for 
support — the Luchese appealed to all Italy, and matters 



SECOND LECTURE. 31 

began to wear a very alarming aspect, when an arrange- 
ment of sale was proposed by the Grand Duke of Tus- 
cany. At this juncture, the ex-Empress Marie-Louise 
died, suddenly and most opportunely, so that the fugi- 
tive Duke of Lucca found a refuge in the shape of a Duchy 
in Parma. The impending storm was thus averted for a 
time, though the small territories of Fivezzana and Pon- 
tremoli, which the Grand Duke of Tuscany was obliged 
to give up to the Dukes of Modina and of Parma, caused 
some uneasiness by their repugnance to the arrangement. 

In the narrative of a Revolution which covered the 
face of so large a country as Italy, many interesting cir- 
cumstances were occurring simultaneously in different 
places. I am therefore obliged to leap from one part of 
the map to another, and I must ask for your indulgence and 
patience. Also, such details as are explained in the pamph- 
lets already published,* I shall not occupy your time by 
explaining, prefering to refer you to them for information 
upon those particulars. 

So soon as the news of the Papal amnesty had spread 
over the country, and the peaceable concession of several 
important reforms became probable, the preparations for a 
general rising were discontinued, and all eyes were directed 
towards the new Pope Pio. Some prudent men indeed 
there were who, having no faith in popes or princes,, con- 
ceived strong doubts of the policy of trusting reforms in 
such hands : but the voice of the majority in Italy (and in 
all Europe) pronounced a contrary decision. The patriots 
therefore, decided not to oppose the Pope, but, on the con- 
trary, to afford him every possible assistance if he should 
keep in the road leading to progress and civilization. They 
consequently continued to watch the current of events, 
and respectfully to guide as much as possible the steps of 

* These pamphlets are published in this volume after the Lectures. 



32 SECOND LECTURE. 

his Holiness, by applauding such of his actions as merited 
commendations, and by making Pio acquainted with the 
wants of the people through peaceable manifestations of 
public opinions, when such became necessary. 

The most conspicuous of the popular leaders was An- 
gelo Brunetti — commonly called Ciceroacchio. He was 
a native of the Roman states, and had been for many 
years established in the city itself, where he carried on 
the business of vendor of agricultural products. No man 
in Rome was more esteemed for patriotism, intelHgence, 
domestic virtues and benevolence. Himself one of the 
people by birth, education and habits, he exercised great 
influence among all classes of his countrymen — and al- 
ways used it for a good purpose. In all the public de- 
monstrations in honor of the Pope's reforms, Ciceroacchio 
was one of the directing minds. 

After the Romans had obtained the first installment 
of the amnesty for the political exiles, the cry of "am- 
nesty " was soon echoed in all the other states of Italy, 
accompanied by the shout of " Viva Pio IX." The posi- 
tion in which the sovereigns were placed by this course 
was most embarrassing to them. The Pope was an inde- 
pendant sovereign in the States of the Church, by the 
same right, and to just the same extent as these Prinoes 
were rulers in their own, therefore, his authority to grant 
an amnesty, or to enact any other reforms, could not be 
questioned by the despots, unless they were to overturn 
the basis of their own power. Besides which, these so- 
vereigns were ^Roman Catholics— as were their subjects 
likewise — and their very existence, as despots, depended 
upon the good understanding between themselves and the 
priesthood. Another source of alarm among the Princes, 
was their ignorance of the real character of Pio, for most 
of them imagined that his aim was the throne of Italy, 
which certainly was within his reach, if he had but known 



SECOND LECTURE. 33 

how to secure it by daring to become a reformer. The 
Princes thus found themselves perplexed — they shrank 
with horror from the proposed reforms, yet they feared to 
blame Pio, lest a thunderbolt from the Vatican might ex- 
plode the combustible materials upon which they were 
seated, and hurl them from their thrones. 

The Italians in the mean time were not idle — in the 
most respectful and orderly manner they continued daily 
to send petitions to the Princes, who at first rejected them 
and imprisoned their authors and abettors — but most of 
these requests were eventually granted when the patience 
of the people gave unequivocal symptoms of being ex? 
hausted. Each new concession of the Pontiff also was 
granted by him with increasing reluctance. 

One of the earliest propositions of the Romans, was 
the organization of a national guard and the requisite mi- 
litary force to resist invasion— for they were well aware of 
the unfriendly feeling of all the Princes of Europe towards 
them. To this necessary precaution the Pope jesuitically 
opposed the sanctity of his office, pretending that as a 
Pope he must love all men equally, and could never 
sanction war or bloodshed. After such a declaration, the 
division of the temporal from the spiritual office became 
palpably necessary, were it for no other reason than that 
the citizens might be permitted to defend themselves 
against invaders. Pio, as usual, vacillated^between " yes " 
and " no" sometimes led by his bigotry and the prejudices 
of his education — sometimes influenced by his fears of a 
popular outbreak. His Holiness eventually resorted to 
his usual expedient of satisfying the People, by appearing 
to acquiesce in their demands, while he satisfied the oppo- 
site party by preventing (or allowing the Jesuits to coun- 
teract) the execution of his decrees. Such duplicity, how- 
ever, could not escape detection in Italy — the native land 
of Michiavelli. The only results brought about by this 



34 SECOND LECTURE. 

crooked policy, were to lower the Pope in public estima- 
tion, and to cause two agitations in the place of one — the 
first to obtain the concession from the Pontiff: the second 
[and most troublesome) to get the new ordinance effectually 
put in practice. This compound agitation produced a fe- 
verishness throughout Italy which it is difficult to describe, 
and had it not been for the remarkably steady conduct of 
the Italians, and their love of order, lamentable excesses 
would have been the consequenee'of the persevering at- 
tempts of the reactionists to cheat the People out of the 
reforms already granted. 

The intimate connection between the various provinces 
of Italy being such, that no reforms conceded in one state 
could long be withheld in another — and all the schemes 
to thwart the improvements introduced in the states of 
the Church appearing to be hopeless, that great Austri- 
jesuitical conspiracy was formed, for the purpose of extin- 
guishing the torch of Liberty in a sea of blood. The plot 
was modelled after the plan of the St. Bartholomew in 
Paris. 

To be able to appreciate the magnitude and the dread- 
ful projects of this diabolical conspiracy, it will be requi- 
site to bestow a few moment's attention to the secret 
society called " Sanfedesti," or Holy Faithites. This 
is a secret association, well organized, like freemasonry, 
carbonarism &c. but having for its object the maintenance 
of Priestcraft and Kingcraft — instead of the extension of 
Liberty and Civilization. 

The Jesuits were the founders of this organization, 
some manifestations of which exist in all parts of Italy, 
and even in other countries, though its centre lies in the 
states of the Church. Political secrets are confided to the 
leading members only — men whose fidelity to Jesuitism 
is well known — the inferior members have only to exe- 
cute the decrees of their chiefs — thus they were more to 



SECOND LECTURE. 35 

be feared than any other secret organization, their statute 
enjoying implicit and blind obedience, the priests ensuring 
indulgences to the members, and the civil authorities 
(the higher officers among whom were themselves Sanfe- 
disti) affording protection to their humbler brethren. The 
permission to possess arms was, in Italy, difficult even for 
the most honest and respected citizens to procure, while 
every Sanfedisto of the very worst character, could imme- 
diately obtain the licence. Thus can be accounted for the 
numerous robberies and assassinations which have occur- 
red in open day, and in the city itself under the govern- 
ment of the Pope. The recruiting of simple members 
was left to the care of the captains in their respective dis- 
tricts — the inducements to join the band being, as I have 
shown, most immoral and most infamous. Through the 
instrumentality of the Sanfedisti, did the Austro-jesuitical 
conspiracy expect to stifle the Be volution — murder the 
leading Patriots, and jesuitically fix the stigma of such 
atrocities upon the liberal party, whom they intended to 
represent as having broken out into excesses. This con- 
spiracy not only included the Austrian cabinet, but like- 
wise all the the Italian despots : its ramifications existed 
in all the chief cities, and the places in which (next to 
Rome) it showed the most activity, were Parma, Lucca, 
and Siena. As I was at that epoch in this latter city, I 
will describe to you what occurred there, where it was be- 
lieved that the Codini,* or retrograde party, then mus- 
tered strong. 

All the preliminary measures of the Codini having 
been taken, it next became necessary to irritate the po- 

* As the word " Codini" will occur often, it being the name gi- 
ven to the reactionary party in Italy, I must inform you that the origin, 
of the word is derived from coda, a tail, codino, a little tail ; consequent- 
ly, Codini means the court party who wear (or, rather wore) little 
tails to their pereques. 



36 SECOND LECTURE. 

pulace, so as to create a tumult, out of which would arise 
a pretext for the interferance of the armed police — the mi- 
litary, and the Sanfedisti. In the month of June, 1847, a 
certain Pafcriarchi, student in the University of Seina, and 
who was particularly respected and esteemed by his com- 
panions, strolled to the Lizza, (or public park,) in the cool 
of the evening, together with three other students. While 
these young men were seated on a bench conversing to- 
gether, two carbineers (armed police) came unobserved 
behind them, and without any warning split Patriarchi's 
skull with a sabre cut, and seriously wounded his com- 
panions. The following morning, so soon as the outrage 
was known in the city, crowds proceeded to the hospital 
to ascertain the condition of the wounded students. Pa- 
triarchi lingered for some days and then died. The public 
indignation was excessive — but no tumult occurred, al- 
though the secret agents of the Jesuits strove to create 
disorder. A committee of the principal citizens, not Cor- 
dini, was formed to demand satisfaction in the name of 
the city, and from the admirable behavior of the patri- 
otic population, and of the students of the University 
upon this trying'occasion, the effect produced by the as- 
sassination of that poor young man, was precisely the 
opposite to that which was sought by the Austro-jesuits. 
Captain Manganaro, who commanded the carbineers, when 
called by the Governor before the committee of citizens 
to give an account of the violence committed the night 
previous by his subordinates, refused to reply to any 
questions, alledging that he acted in obedience to " Su- 
perior orders." Lest the popular excitement should, on his 
appearance, burst through all bonds and inflict summary 
chastisement upon him, he was conveyed away privately 
The entire corps of carbineers quitted the city at night, and 
no Codino could be seen in any direction. 

Similar attempts, perpetrated in other cities of Italy 



SECOND LECTURE. 37 

turned out equally abortive. The clandestine press, which 
inundated the country with general information and excel- 
lent advice, contributed greatly in calming the irritated 
feelings of the people, and in maintaining public order. 

As Rome was to have been the centre of this Austro- 
jesuitical reaction, I must give a few details respecting the 
proceedings there. Many unmistakeable symptoms had 
demonstrated to the liberal party that a furious reaction 
was imminent ; but . where, or how, the blow was to be 
struck, all their researches had not been able to discover. 
Not only the success of the governmental ameliorations, 
but even the lives of those favorable to the liberal cause, 
were evidently in danger, and redoubled energy and vigi- 
lance became necessary. 

To counterbalance the means at the disposal of the go- 
vernment, the Patriots secretly formed themselves into 
committees, to watch the governmental agents, and take 
such other measures as the public safety might require. 
A Jesuit spy, named Minardi, was a special object of sus- 
picion. The Roman committee soon ascertained that 
meetings of other suspected persons were constantly held 
by night at the house of Minardi ; also, that strangers, 
coming from various parts of the country round about, 
without any apparent motive for visiting the capital, were 
in connection with the Minardi gang. This being in the 
early part of July, 1847, and the festival of the anniver- 
sary of the amnesty (16th July) being at hand, the patri- 
otic committee calculated that no time should be lost. This 
foresight was most fortunate ; for it was subsequently 
proved that the signal for the massacre was to have been 
given in the midst of the festivities of July. Three days 
preceding the festival, the committee, among whom was 
Ciceroacchio, having failed in procuring any reliable in- 
formation, determined upon seizing some person who 
should leave the nightly meetings held in Minardi's house •, 



db SECOND LECTURE. 

which arrest having been effected noiselessly, documents 
sufficient to justify the seizure of all the others were 
discovered — the whole plot was revealed, and the citizens 
were immediately called' to arms for their own defence. 
Many Sanfedesti, who went up to Rome for the occa- 
sion, were, found and arrested, with the proofs of the me- 
ditated crime upon them : they were armed with daggers, 
bearing liberal mottos, which they had been instructed 
to leave in the wounds of persons marked out as victims, 
so as to cast the odium upon the liberal party. If ever 
a people were justified in taking " Lynch Law," and at 
once hanging up these instruments of the Jesuits, it was 
in this instance ; yet not one act of summary justice was 
committed : the culprits were merely confined in prison, 
as a measure of precaution. Public indignation was not 
so much directed against the miserable tools, as against 
their Jesuitical employers — Alai, Nardoni, Freddi, Minar- 
di, &c. Nevertheless, not one of these suffered further 
punishment than imprisonment. The 16th July — the 
day which was to have seen innocent blood flow through- 
out Rome, and which was to have served as a signal to the 
reaction throughout Italy — was in reality a festival, such 
as has seldom been seen ; for not only had the people to 
celebrate the anniversary of. the amnesty, but likewise 
their escape from a most dreadful danger.* 

Simultaneous with this conspiracy in Rome, the Aus- 
trians entered the city of Ferrara, (three hundred miles 
distant from Rome,) imagining and publicly declaring 
that they came to " restore order" the capital being in a 
state of anarchy, and the Pope having been killed: which, 
in point of fact, was what had been projected; but the in- 
telligence and love of order natural to the Romans ena- 
bled them so to turn all these conspiracies, as to bring 
about the confusion of their enemies. 

* Nardoni is now at the head of the Pope's police. 



SECOND LECTURE. 39 

The total failure of the iniquitous schemes of the 
Jesuits, and the rapid increase of the patriots, opened the 
eyes of the princes to their perilous position. Expe- 
rience having demonstrated to them their inability to ex- 
cite discord, confusion, and anarchy, they changed their 
tactics, and placed themselves at the head of that move- 
ment which they could not check. Thus they succeeded, 
by pretended friendship, in doing that which they could 
not have accomplished by any other means ; and in this 
manoeuvre the interference of Lord Palmerston was most 
mischievous to the liberal cause. His lordship was de- 
lighted at the Italian agitation, as a source of embarrass- 
ment for Austria and France — perhaps, even, he would 
not have objected to some insignificant reforms in Rome ; 
but to any serious change, which could merit the name of 
Revolution, he was obstinately opposed. Hence the cele- 
brated journey of Lord Minto, under instructions to keep 
well with all parties. No man ever succeeded in gaining 
a like amount of applause with so much ease. All court- 
ed his good graces — all thought they had secured them; 
for he contradicted nobody. To-day, however, matters are 
somewhat different ; for answering " Yes " to everybody, 
has got himself, and those who sent him, into a sea of 
trouble. Even the Pope has asserted that his lordship 
acquiesced in the famous aggressions in England. And I 
firmly believe that, in this instance, His Holiness speaks 
the truth ; because, as I have already observed, his lord- 
ship assented to every proposition, and contradicted 
nobody. 

When the Princes feigned to renounce their opposition 
to reform, and proclaimed their conversion to liberal 
sentiments, dismissed their former ministers, and lis- 
tened to the advice of persons more in accordance with 
the spirit of the times, the nation hailed the change with 
joy, and believed that the regeneration of Italy was se- 



40 SECOND LECTURE. 

cured. The people, who have in them more of good than of 
evil, could not conceive it possible that these Princes and 
their satellites could be so insincere. gWith a magnanimi- 
ty, which the people only know how to show to their ene- 
mies, they threw a veil over the past misconduct of their 
rulers, and prepared to aid them in carrying out the work 
of amelioration : they allowed the traitors to remain at 
the head of the state — to have at their disposal the re- 
sources of the nation — the command of the army — the 
intercourse with foreign nations, through the channel of 
diplomacy — the distribution of offices — in short, all those 
weapons which, if properly used, could have insured a 
victory to the people ; or, if improperly applied, might 
turn the scale the other way. Such unlimitted confidence 
did the people show in the honeyed words of the newly- 
converted Princes, that the secret societies were dissolved ; 
while in their place public popular assemblies frequently 
met to discuss the topics of general interest. The tyrants, 
however, had among themselves an understanding to 
cheat their subjects, to whom they have taught the value 
of royal promises. 

In Sicily the agitation assumed a more menacing aspect 
than it did in other parts of Italy. This island is under 
the despotic rule of the King of Naples. It possesses a 
most fertile soil — Livy called it the " granary of Rome," 
whence it is evident that not only it could sustain its 
amount of inhabitants, (which in those days amounted to 
eleven millions,) but that it could spare very large sup- 
plies for that city, then the capital of the world. Look at 
the present condition of this island, if you want art illus- 
tration of the curse of despotism. Under its present ru- 
lers, it can barely find a miserable subsistence for its limit- 
ed number of inhabitants, (two millions.) Notwithstand- 
ing frequent wars, science and learning were cultivated 
under paganism — so long as the world exists, Archimides 



SECOND LECTURE. 41 

of Syracuse will be remembered. Under King Bomba, 
knowledge is feared and persecuted. Under Paganism, 
Sicily was provided with every luxury and comfort — it 
was a sort of Paradise on earth— under Popery to-day, it 
rather resembles the OTHER region. In changing Jupiter 
for St. Peter, the Sicilians seem to have gained a loss. 

The reason why the agitation in Sicily was greater than 
on the continent of Italy, arose from certain local causes, 
which gave the Sicilians some peculiar advantages. In point 
of abstract principle, the inhabitants of the Continent stood 
exactly on the same position as their insular brethren — 
each had the right inherent in man to select that form of 
government most pleasing to the majority; but modern 
diplomacy has established fictitious principles, which, in 
the present day, supercede the natural rights of man. Dur- 
ing the war against Napoleon, certain arrangements were 
determined by diplomacy respecting Sicily— therefore the 
Sicilians, in 1847, founded their demands upon the consti- 
tutional engagements contracted during the years 1810 to 
1815, which had been sanctioned and guaranteed by the 
British retrograde ministry of that epoch. 

The circumstances were as follows : When the French 
armies invaded the territory of Naples, the grandfather 
of the present sovereign, under the advice and protection 
of the British tory government, took up his residence in 
Palermo, hoping to preserve for himself and successors 
the crown of Sicily. The strongholds were garrisoned* 
by British troops, and a British squadron constantly 
cruised in the waters of Sicily — nevertheless, liberal ideas 
had contrived to filter through this work of circumvalla- 
tion. A certain uneasiness having shown itself in the 
island, the King (hoping by the timely concession of a 
little, to save much) granted the Constitution of 1812, 
based upon certain ancient privileges, of which the people 
had been defrauded by His Majesty's predecessors. Among 

4* 



42 SECOND LECTURE. 

other arrangements, a chamber of peers and another of re- 
presentatives were established — also a compact, that the 
annual taxes should not exceed a specified sum — and va- 
rious other essential reforms, which pacified the growing 
dissatisfaction of the islanders. 

It would be far too long (and it properly comes under 
another history) for me to enter into the details of the 
trickery and violence used by the King to free himself 
from these engagements, so solemnly contracted while his 
crown was in danger : suffice it for me to observe that, so 
soon as he was restored to his Neapolitan dominions at the 
termination of the war, he violated every pledge. In vain 
did the unfortunate and sacrificed Sicilians appeal to the 
British aristocratic government in 1815-17 — every vestige 
of their constitution speedily disappeared. 

The demands of the Sicilians in 1847 were very mo- 
derate. They insisted upon the Constitution of 1812 ; but 
they consented to modify that clause which obliged a se- 
paration from the crown of Naples — which proviso had 
been inserted in 1812, in case the territory of Naples 
should be wrested from Murat, and be restored to the 
King of Sicily. Although the amount of taxes arbitrarily 
and illegally levied by the King, exceeded by double the 
sum specified in 1812. The Sicilians in 1847 did not insist 
upon a restitution of the surplus, but proposed to over- 
look the past ; provided such abuses should not occur for 
the future. The King having replied to these calm re- 
monstrances, in the way that despots generally do meet 
them, by arrests and executions ; the people, in the au- 
tumn of 1847 gave formal notice to the government, that 
if, by the 12th of January, 1848, their demands had not 
been complied with, they would take the matter into 
their own hands. 

The King took his measures accordingly — the people 
took theirs : the proclamations of the Sicilian committee 



SECOND LECTURE. 43 

were regularly posted on all the principal public places 
of Palermo, and were rigidly observed by the patriotic 
party. At length the 12th arrived — the festival of the 
King's birthday. No reforms had been granted — the pa- 
triots who had been arrested were yet in confinement — 
the city of Palermo was in a state of siege — the shops 
were closed — patroles of cavalry and infantry paraded the 
streets and squares. Domiciliary visits having previous- 
ly been made by the King's police in all directions in the 
search of arms ; but a very few (and those few generally 
of an inferior quality) were in the hands of the people. 
About two hours after daybreak the contest commenced, 
first a few stray shots were fired, and some patroles were 
disarmed — then barricades were formed, cannon was 
brought into play against them by the troops, and a 
revolutionary contest raged in the city. A committee of 
public safety was quickly created, in which were included 
the leading patriots. 

One of the first efforts of the people was to liberate 
their companions who had been incarcerated by the King. 
On forcing an entrance into the prisons, scenes of cruelty 
were revealed which few can credit, and many parents, 
relations or friends who sought some of the victims, only 
found some mangled remains which, in many instances, 
were hardly recognisable. The first impulse of the peo- 
ple at the sight of these atrocities was to inflict summary 
chastisement upon the jailers and other agents of tyranny; 
but the influential patriots speedily interfered, that the 
victory of the people might not be sullied by any act of 
vengeance. 

Palermo having been regarded by the King's govern- 
ment as a city which might at any moment rise in in- 
surrection, the royal troops had such strongholds, as 
could enable them to make a valid resistance for a long 
time, especially against a populace unprepared with artil- 



44 SECOND LECTURE. 

lery. The castle — the royal palace — the treasury — and 
several fortified barracks, consequently held out — but all 
communications between these positions having been cut 
off, they fell into the hands of the people by the end of 
the month, when the King's General effected a disastrous 
retreat to the sea, at some twelve miles to the east of 
Palermo, whence he embarked for Naples. 

The revolution in Palermo was quickly responded to 
throughout the island ; and the royal troops in other parts 
having become aware of the discomfiture of their main 
corps in the capital, retreated or capitulated, as they best 
could, retaining merely the citadel of Messina in the pos- 
session of the royal troops. 

A provisional government was next installed in place 
of the committee of public safety. Into this body, to 
conciliate the good will of Lord Palmerston, a dispropor- 
tionate quantity of the aristocratic element was intro- 
duced — thus from its very birth it absorbed the poison 
which caused its ruin — or at least a temporary discomfiture. 
Of this provisional government, Kugero Settimo was 
President, and Stabile, Secretary — the former was a well 
meaning honest*man, but too aged for his position, which 
required peculiar energy and activity — the latter was a 
man of some activity and intelligence in commercial af- 
fairs, but he was the devoted servant of the nobility and 
diplomacy, and lost sight of public interests in following 
the private views of a party. 

I must here mention a circumstance which I am sure 
will greatly please the Americans — their consul at Paler- 
mo recognised the provisional government, without wait- 
ing for instructions. ~~<^S 

While these events were occurring in Sicily, rumors 
unfavorable to King Ferdinand reached the Continent, and 
the excitement in Naples was so extreme that no rein- 
forcements could be sent thence to Palermo, till at length 



SECOND LECTURE. 45 

His Majesty, fearing a similar explosion in his own capi- 
tal, consented on the 29th of January, 1848, to grant a 
semblance of a constitution for the entire of his dominions, 
embracing some of the conditions proposed by the Sici- 
lians in 1847. The notification of this was brought to 
Palermo after the victory of the people — their reply, 
therefore, was that " they had taken all their reforms, and 
no longer would accept of part of them as a gift. That 
he and his ancestors always had, on the earliest occasion, 
robbed the people of such franchises as, from time to time, 
circumstances had induced former kings to consent to — 
and that as they had been driven into getting rid of him, 
they would have no more to do with him or his." 

The Neapolitans having thus obtained a sort of a con- 
stitution — not very liberal, but encouraging as a begin- 
ning — occupied themselves in consolidating their position. 
All the past iniquities of the King were cast into oblivion, 
the most obnoxious of the former ministers left the coun- 
try, and every thing assumed a new appearance. But the 
King had no intentions of maintaining his engagements — 
he had bent to the force of adverse circumstances with the 
best grace he could put on, only to lull the people into 
a false security, and on the first favorable opportunity 
amply to avenge himself. 

The Sicilians having resolved to have no more connec- 
tion with their former tyrant, received a visit from the 
traveling plenipotentiary Lord Minto, who informed them 
that he had the King's authority to agree to their having 
a separate government, and a viceroy of their own selec- 
tion — a separate army — parliament — and every thing ex- 
cept the separation from the King as chief of the State. 
Upon these proposals there arose a long and rather stormy 
discussion, several times dropped and then resumed, dur- 
ing which delay all projects of war were, by the special 
recommendation of diplomacy, suspended. After remain- 



46 SECOND LECTURE. 

ing for upwards of a month, urging the settlement of the 
question with the King of Naples, thus engrafting dissen- 
tions among those who previously united, his Lordship 
suddenly left the island, and the Bourbon Prince (having 
partially recovered from the blow of January) retracted 
all his previous offers. 

The success of the revolution in Palermo — the consti- 
tution granted by King Ferdinand — and his accepting the 
tri-colored flag of the revolution instead of his own white- 
Bourbon-banner — produced a profound impression through- 
out Italy. The partizans of royalty, desiring to save their 
favorite system from shipwreck, had extensively circulated 
the project of a confederation among the Princes of Italy, 
by which means all Austrian influence or dictation might 
be excluded from the peninsula, and the work of regene- 
ration might gradually progress. This proposal received 
at first considerable favor from all classes — but it was 
soon discovered to be impracticable — partly because Aus- 
tria and the Jesuits were resolutely opposed to it — partly 
because the local despots preferred to remain dependent 
upon Austrian bayonets for support, rather than trust arms 
in the hands of their own subjects — and partly because 
the Princes could not depend upon each other ; for though 
they were always ready to unite their forces to oppress 
the people, they were nevertheless perfectly willing to 
dispossess their neighbors of their thrones, if by so doing 
they could appropriate the vacancy to themselves. The 
Dukes of Parma and of Modena, refused all connection 
with the liberals, and called for aid from Austria. But the 
others began to BID for the Crown of Italy. Thus these 
Princes yielded their absolute rule for a constitution, while 
their respective partizans set forth the claims of each to 
the gratitude of the nation. 

Among these, Pio was the most popular as a man — 
but the objection to have a Pope at the head of the Ita- 



SECOND LECTURE. 



47 



lian government, was very strong. Charles Albert had 
left certain unfavorable reminiscences on two previous oc- 
casions, 1821 and 1831. However, many excuses were 
urged for him in palliation of his former misconduct — 
and having a numerous and well appointed army at his 
command, besides having so great a stake as the crown of 
Italy to play for, the majority of the nation seemed dis- 
posed to believe that he would in this instance act honest- 
ly. The Grand Duke of Tuscany was in general regarded 
as a plain well disposed man ; but weak and totally under 
the dictation of the Austrian court — and as the revolution 
developed itself, H. R. H. showed himself to be a worthy 
scion of the House of Harpsburg — as for Bomb a, though 
he likewise put in his claims, his chance of success was 
positively zero. 

So soon as the news of the revolution of Vienna was 
received at Milan, (the seat of government in Lombardy,) 
considerable agitation was manifest throughout the popu- 
lation. Marshall Radetzky applied the usual Austrian 
specifics, viz : martial law and military executions. Strong 
patroles scoured the streets, arresting or maltreating all 
persons indiscriminately- — even several ladies (who, total- 
ly unconscious of any danger, were returning from excur- 
sions into the country) were carried off by the Croats, 
and never again seen alive. Many influential citizens were 
seized by the Austrians as hostages, and were sent to Ve- 
rona — thus the population was goaded into a contest, the 
minute details of which I cannot bring within the narrow 
limits of a lecture. I must therefore confine myself to 
recording the result, and to noticing a few facts which the 
calumnious assertions of the Austro Jesuits render neces- 
sary to be particularly explained. 

The Austrian army, in the city of Milan alone, con- 
sisted of at least 20,000 men, commanded by consummate 
Generals — supplied with every species of warlike stores 



48 SECOND LECTURE. 

and engines — and in possession of all the advantageous 
positions. On the other hand, the population was without 
organization, and nearly destitute of arms ; many of those 
patriots to whom the people looked for advice, were in the 
hands of the enemy — but the populace rivalled the con- 
duct of their brethren of Palermo, and after a desperate 
struggle of five days, (18th of March to the 22nd,) entirely 
defeated Radetzky, and drove the Austrian army in con- 
fusion out of the city. 

( The barbarities practiced by the Croat soldiery during 
this contest, surpass anything on record: wherever they 
broke into houses, they massacred the inoffensive women 
and children, generally throwing them out of the win- 
dows — yet in the hour of victory the people showed 
mercy to their enemies, the wounded Austrian soldiers 
were taken care of in the hospitals, their families were 
protected and sent to their husbands and fathers. How 
these generous actions were requited, the massacre of 
Bresica under the superintendence of Haynau ; and the 
cruelties practiced throughout the country, so soon as the 
Austrians obtained -the mastery of any spot, can testify. 

Hunted out of Milan, Radetzky found the whole coun- 
try in open insurrection. He immediately concentrated 
the scattered detachments of his troops from their several 
quarters, and retired on the splendid military position of 
the four fortresses,' so admirably suited for the protection 
and re- organization of a defeated army. 

The military position of the four fortresses (Verona, 
Mantua, Legnago and Peschiera) held by Austria, in the 
centre of her Italian provinces, is the finest in the world 
for the protection and re-organization of a discomfited 
army. The Alps are situated on the north, through which 
winds the high road from Verona to the Tyrol, passing by 
Rivoli. On the south runs the river Po — and on the west, 
the Mincio — and on the east, the Adige. To the north- 



SECOND LECTURE. 49 

west at the sortie of the river Mincio from the Lago di 
Garda, is situated Peschiera, securing the communication 
between both banks of the river. From Peschiera, the 
Miricio runs south to the Po, into which it empties itself 
a little below Mantua, which is a fortress deemed im- 
pregnable, being situated upon an island in the river 
which is extremely broad at that part. The country 
around is marshy ; so that were trenches opened by a 
besieging army, they would fill with water. Even if, 
during some very dry season, regular approaches could 
be made, they would only be directed against the tetes 
de pont — the city on the island would afterwards have 
to be besieged. Nor would the blockade be very con- 
venient, for the swampy nature of the ground around 
renders the air unhealthy, and the loss from fevers would 
be immense. 

The fortress of Legnago is situated near the south-east 
corner, ackeval upon ' the Ad ige, preserving the commu- 
nication between the two banks — the surrounding coun- 
try is low. 

Verona is situated on the north-east corner of the quad- 
rangle, securing the bridge across the Adige. The fortifi- 
cations of the city are extremely strong. There is, more- 
over, a citadel on a hill, which so completely commands 
the town that no enemy could long remain there if this 
fortress were not likewise taken. 

No army should be so imprudent as to pursue a foe, 
having possession of the four fortresses, into this trap 
without securing at least three egresses — placing a bridge 
of boats strongly fortified at each end, across the Mincio, 
between Peschiera and Mantua — with another across the 
Adige between Legnago and Verona — the passage of the 
Po should likewise be secured between Legnago and Man- 
tua. For an army which intends merely to traverse this 
country between the Adige and the Mincio, so many pre- 

5 



50 SECOND LECTUEE. 

cautions are not requisite; but any commander who re- 
mains encamped for a length of time in such a trap without 
placing himself a cheval on the three rivers, and thus 
sharing the advantages of his enemy, who has possession 
of the fortresses, must be out of his senses. 

Nothing could exceed the enthusiasm with which the 
announcement of the commencement of the war in Lom- 
bardy was received throughout Italy. One general shout 
resounded from the Alps to Etna, to rush to the suc- 
cour of their Lombard brethren. The vicinity of the 
Piedmontese frontier caused the news to spread first in 
that part of the peninsula. 

Charles Albert then found himself called upon to de- 
clare his intentions — and that without delay. The grand 
object of his ambition appeared to be within his reach — 
he burned with the desire to grasp it — but a truly royal 
antipathy to revolutions and revolutionists, with a certain 
dread of the consequences, should he fail in the enterprise 
against the Emperor of Austria, made him falter. To in- 
crease his perplexity the British Ambassador protested 
against his passing the Tecino, while his own subjects very 
plainly intimated that he must either go to war — or abdi- 
cate. Considering it better to run the chance of a remote 
and an hypothetical danger, rather than meet one which 
was staring him in the face — and that it would be better 
to have the chance of becoming King of Italy, rather than 
be obliged to abdicate his own little crown, he decided on 
placing himself at the head of his army. Thanks to the 
inhabitants of Milan, who had already driven out the Aus- 
trians, the King entered the city without encountering any 
obstacle. His Majesty found there a provisional govern- 
ment, composed of excellent and estimable citizens in pri- 
vate life, or for ordinary times, but most of them not 
equal to the emergency of a revolution. Local commit- 
tees, dependent upon the central executive, were being 



SECOND LECTURE. 51 

organized in all the cities and towns of the provinces of 
Lombardy and Venice. 

Immediately after the occupation of Milan by the 
troops of Charles Albert, royalist and reactionist persecu- 
tion commenced with activity against those men who had 
been most conspicuous in creating that revolution, by the 
means of which the King, Charles Albert, was then master 
of the capital of Lombardy. His Majesty then leisurely 
pursued his march, following the retreating Austrians, 
whom he encountered at Goito on the Mincio — the border 
of the retreat of the four fortresses already spoken of. 

While these events transpired on the Milanese terri- 
tory, the Austrian garrisons were compelled to retire from 
Venice, Vicenza, Treviso and the entire of the Friule, as 
far as the Isonzo, which is beyond the Italian frontier. 
Venice re-established its ancient republic, at the head of 
which was placed Manin, who, with Tomasseo, had some 
time previous been thrown into prison by the imperial po. 
lice. Measures were taken by the new government to orga- 
nise the citizens militarily, and messengers were sent to re- 
call the fleet — for though the navy was diplomatically 
styled Austrian, the majority of both officers and sailors 
were Venetians. These messengers, however, got inter- 
cepted ; and the fleet (unconscious of what had occurred 
at home) in obedience to orders from the imperial govern- 
ment, entered the port of Pola, which is commanded on 
all sides by heavy batteries. Thus the larger portion of 
the Venetian marine force remained in the hands of the 
Austrians, who speedily changed such of the crews as they 
could not depend upon. 

Volunteers now began to pour into the Lombard- Ve- 
netian provinces from all parts of Italy. In vain did the 
Neapolitan, the Koman, and the Tuscan governments 
throw impediments in the way — the Princes soon disco- 
vered that the torrent was too strong to be checked ab- 



52 SECOND LECTURE. 

ruptly — also, that if they too openly showed their distaste 
for the war, then Charles Albert alone would reap the 
fruit of the victory, should the Austrians be expelled.. 

Much against the will of the rulers, the Roman army 
of about 12.000, under Durando, concentrated at Ferrara 
and after an infinity of orders and counter-orders, cross- 
ed the Po about the middle of April. All the forces 
on the left bank of the Adige were placed under the com- 
mand of this General. The Tuscans, (some 5 to 6000) 
under Delauger, marched by Carrara and Modena to- 
wards Mantua. 

The Neapolitans, some 18,000, under Pepe, left Naples 
after many delays, reached the Bologna and Ferrara, when 
they received orders to return immediately to Naples. 
Pepe refused to obey — the patriotic portion of the troops 
followed him to Venice, to the defence of which place they 
greatly contributed, till its surrender in August, 1849, 
merely from starvation. The treacherous King Bomba, 
being freed from the presence of the most ardent patriots? 
was enabled to put into execution that sanguinary reaction 
of which I shall make mention in the next lecture. 

At this stage of the revolution, the diplomacy of Lord 
Palmerston showed immense activity ; and as that engine 
had a prominent share in creating the European reaction, 
it is proper here to devote a few moments to the conside- 
ration of this subject. If we look at the diplomatic career 
of his Lordship, we must ackowledge that at times he has 
developed extraordinary activity and skill — that he has at 
times done essential service to his country — yet at other 
times he has committed some egregious blunders. When 
we find him acting from pure patriotic motives (as in the 
Syrian question) we see him invariably obtaining the 
most brilliant success. When we find him laboring mere- 
ly for the benefit of a class (as in Portugal) or under the 
impulse of personal pique (as in Italy) then invariably 



SECOND LECTURE. 53 

he gets outwitted — being obliged to abandon the lofty po- 
sition which truth would place him in. to descend to the 
level of a common intriguer. As the Italian revolution 
developed itself, the wrath of the noble foreign secretary- 
got appeased by the sight of both the Trench and Aus- 
trian courts in flight, and he was forced to decide upon 
some definite line of policy in these very serious circum- 
stances. First of all he attempted to arrest the progress 
of the general conflagration, which he, with so much eager- 
ness had assisted in kindling. Finding that to be totally 
beyond his capacity, he next joined his efforts with those 
of the despots, with whom he previously was at variance, 
that their united efforts might crush those patriots with 
whom his Lordship had been on terms of amity. The 
ambassador at Florence became a reactionary agent, per- 
mitted the meetings to take place in his house, furnished 
their emissaries with passports, and sundry other species 
of assistance. 

The repugnance of the Pope to allow the Roman army 
to march, was met by the Romans, in the same manner in 
which several of his holiness' attempts at reaction had 
been counteracted. On the appearance of Pio in public, 
the crowds who, a few hours before, had made the city echo 
with shouts of applause, would receive him with respect — 
but in perfect silence. Such a reproof was more potent 
than any reproachful words, and showed that the people 
both pondered upon their situation and restrained their 
passions. 

About fifteen thousand from tne scattered Austrian de- 
tachments which had retreated and been permitted to retire 
beyond the Isonzo, were joined by some ten thousand fresh 
troops under General Nugent, (English,) who entered the 
Friule and took Udine. Another corps besieged Palma 
Nova, while a third blockaded Osopo. The Alps of the 
Cadore were in the hands of the inhabitants. An Aus- 

5* 



54 SECOND LECTURE. 

trian force strove to force its way through that pass, but 
the mountain fastnesses were so well defended, and the 
road was so well undermined, that the Austrians made no 
progress in that quarter. 

If we look at Italy in its present state, we see the 
singular spectacle of a revolution in full operation, yet by 
a peculiar train of circumstances, and through the extreme 
delicacy of the patriotic leaders, the very persons through 
whose activity and perseverance the old government had 
been overthrown, were excluded from all honor and influ- 
ence — while in lieu of them, the persons averse to progress, 
or at least indifferent about it, were at the head of affairs, 
and of the war of independence. How did these anti- 
revolutionary revolutionists carry this war forward — or 
rather backward? 

The war, successfully commenced by the people, was 
national — under the guidance of a King it became dynas- 
tical. So long as it was national, it united all the ener- 
gies of the nation, and was successful — but when the peo- 
ple, the only real source of strength, was discarded, and 
the war was carried on merely by the feeblest part of the 
nation, both as reg'ards energy and intellect, it became a 
matter of perfect impossibility to avoid a failure. The two 
elements of which the Italian army was composed consisted 
of regular troops and of volunteers — the former having a 
great number of the officers with royalist tendencies — 
while the latter were nearly exclusively revolutionists. 
The whole force was placed under the orders of Charles 
Albert, who having his own ambition to gratify, even at 
the sacrifice of the cause of nationality, the destruction 
of the volunteers was determined upon as a more im- 
portant operation than the discomfiture of Radetzky. 
Various projects were proposed by the patriots by which 
to avert the blow. In the Venetian provinces a military 
council of the volunteers was constituted, for the purpose 



SECOND LECTURE. 55 

of keeping alive the popular element and turning it to 
such account as the peculiarity of the case might permit. 
Some portion of the press also strove to arouse public at- 
tention — but the royalists replied by abuse and calumny. 
The great fault having been committed at the outset, of 
confiding the supreme command to a Prince^ it became 
extremely difficult while the enemy was before our line 
to effect a change, without the chance of bringing discord 
into the camp. 

Charles Albert having (as r already explained) reached 
Goito on the Mincio, found a strong detachment of Aus- 
trians ready to dispute his passage. The bridge, however, 
having been but imperfectly destroyed by the retreating 
Austrians, aPiedmontese corps of rifles passed over upon 
its ruins, and the enemy were dislodged from that position. 

The King then entered the fatal trap of the four fort- 
resses. Had he secured and fortified the pass of Goito, 
and marching directly through to the Adige, and had he 
secured a bridge of boats or rafts across that river like- 
wise, he could in a great measure have annulled the ad- 
vantage which Radetzky had. He could then have pre- 
vented the march of reinforcements to the Austrian head 
quarters at Verona — and by freeing Italy, have gained 
the crown he coveted. But he remained in the trap, 
comparatively inactive till it suited Radetzky to com- 
mence the offensive, and close the retreat upon him. 
Though Charles Albert was militarily inactive he was not 
asleep politically, he was disorganizing the volunteers in 
various ways — while he was causing lists to be circulated 
in the various communes for the purpose of electing him 
King of Upper Italy. What an occupation for the Gene- 
ral of an army fighting for national independence ! But 
what else could be expected from a Prince at the head of 
a revolution ! 



56 SECOND LECTURE. 

On the 30th of April the corps of Nugent reached the 
Piave, where the Venetian force, mostly composed of vo- 
lunteers, was posted. 



The next lecture will consist of a recapitulation of the 
principal occurrences from the present period till the in- 
vasion of the Roman states by the coalition of Austria, 
France, Spain and Naples. 



OH XSAIiY. 



I must request of you to bear in mind the origin of 
this war — which was a national outbreak to cast off an 
odious foreign oppression, upon which the domestic ty- 
rannies had been accustomed for ages to lean for support. 
Also, that the domestic tyrants, by feigning to join in the 
excitement against the foreign invader, had contrived to 
remain in their former social positions : and next that, 
as the revolution gained strength, these Princes (who pre- 
viously had an excellent understanding with each other 
in respect to oppressing their subjects,) began about this 
time to have certain mutual jealousies — each petty despot 
fearing lest he might eventually be superceded by one of 
his neighbors, who might carry off the crown of United 
Italy. Thus a most complicated state of affairs existed. 
The Princes at the instance of their subjects were re- 
luctantly waging war against Austria — in favor of which 
empire they had all their sympathies enlisted ; at the 
same time they were taking measures to crush the people, 
who were urging them on to the war ; and they were 
moreover quarrelling among each other for the possession 
of the prize, in case victory should side with the Italians. 

In this juncture, the liberal party (having merely the 



58 THIRD LECTURE. 

national good in view) determined not to agitate any in- 
ternal political question, but to devote all their energies 
to combating for national independence : even were it to be 
under the command of a King. Charles Albert did not 
fail to profit by this generous self devotion — the volunteers 
who obeyed his orders were on every side sacrificed — and 
His Majesty remained militarily inactive with the regular 
troops under his orders. 

But the King was not asleep in a political sense. Lists 
were circulated in every city, town, or village of Lom- 
bardy, Venice, Parma, and Modena, to the effect that he 
should be acknowledged King of Upper Italy. The King, 
however, was unequal to the task he had undertaken, he 
made use of only the most worthless and corrupt mate- 
rials, and rejected all the sterling worth at his disposal. 

His Majesty insisted, during this important electio- 
neering campaign, to remain encamped within the trap of 
the four fortresses. It being essential, however, to the 
success of the election lists, that he should make some 
semblance of being warlike, he despatched some corps of 
volunteers to the frontiers of the Tyrol — The Tuscans 
were ordered to remain in observation at Cortatone and 
Montanara, to the west of Mantua, and a corps of regu- 
lars blockaded Peschiera ; while the King commanded the 
Piedmontese army (without any regular approaches hav- 
ing been prepared) to advance against the fortress of 
Verona, attacking the position called St. Luccia. The 
Austrians were snug behind their impregnable ramparts 
and not a show of resistance was made until the Pied- 
montese came quite close to the fortifications, when a tre- 
mendous cross fire opened upon them from arms of all 
calibre. The Italians thus wantonly exposed were swept 
down by hundreds, and compelled to retire to their 
former position without having made any impression 



THIRD LECTURE. 59 

upon their enemy, whom it was impossible for them to 
have reached. 

Durando with a force composed chiefly of new levies 
and volunteers, manoeuvred on the left of the Adige, in 
the provinces of Venice. His duty was to check the ad- 
vance of the Austrian General Nugent, who, with a rein- 
forcement for Radetzky of twenty- five thousand men, reach- 
ed the Piave at the end of April. A small corps of 2500 Ita- 
lians posted at the bridge, called the Ponte Delia Priule, 
where the high road crossed the river — another corps of 
about 7000 under La Marmara (subsequently Guidotti) 
was stationed on the right bank a few miles south, where 
there was a ford ; while about 7000 volunteers under Fer- 
rari were posted near Cornuda, about twelve miles to the 
north, or up the river. Durando remained with about 
9000 (chiefly line and Swiss) in reserve, so as to advance 
to the relief of that part which should be most violently 
assailed. 

Nugent, not having been able to force a passage with 
his advance guard at the Ponte Delia Priule, detached 
2000 to menace the ford opposite La Marmora, and 8000 
to attempt a passage higher up, near where Ferrari was 
stationed ; while with the remaining 15,000 he continued 
their efforts on the original point of attack. Pressing dis- 
patches were forwarded to Durando — but in vain — that gal- 
lant officer was electioneering. The 8000 Austrian s having 
crossed the river near Belluno, descended along the right 
bank towards the division of Ferrari at Cornuda. Du- 
rando then marched to the support of the point menaced, 
but halted his troops at about three miles from the field 
of battle, (which had just commenced,) by which act the 
corps of Ferrari, composed chiefly of volunteers, was dis- 
comfited. Ferrari conducted his retreat in good order 
to Treviso. 

Even after this check Durando had the enemy in his 



60 THIRD LECTURE. 

power — for with his own corps, and that of Ferrari, (the 
two united would have been 15 to 16,000,) he might have 
routed or captured the 8000 Austrians, who were com- 
pletely separated' from Nugent (being on opposite sides 
of the river) — after which the entire force along the line 
of the Piave, amounting in all to about 25 to 26,000 
could have marched against the remainder of the force of 
Nugent, who would" have found the entire population in 
his rear and flanks in a state of insurrection, ready to break 
up roads and bridges to cut off his retreat. This would 
have been the most effectual electioneering capital which 
Durando could have acquired ; but the General had like- 
wise to consider how the volunteers were to be disposed 
of, and it was very difficult successfully to manage both 
projects. Instead, therefore, of attacking the 8000 Aus- 
trians, the whole line of the Piave was abandoned, and 
the various detachments fell back upon Treviso, Padua 
and Vicenza, while Nugent, astonished at his own success, 
advanced to join Radetzky. 

While the convoy which accompanied the army of 
Nugent passed on its route towards Verona, the main 
body attacked tht city of Treviso. The inhabitants, with 
about 3000 volunteers, under the command of General 
Guidotti, successfully resisted this effort, and after five 
days' fighting the enemy retired. General Guidotti was 
killed in a sally from the city, and the celebrated priest 
Ugo Bassi was wounded in two places while encouraging 
the volunteers in the hottest of the engagement. 

The high road to Verona lay through Vicenza, in the 
neighborhood of which place Durando had retired. Nu- 
gent sent his convoy along a by-road, and made an at- 
tack upon the city, which lasted some hours, till the con- 
voy was safe from molestation. Durando did not move 
to the relief of the city, for it ivas defended by volunteers. 

By such culpable negligence was the first reinforce- 



THIRD LECTURE, 61 

ment allowed to reach Verona, bringing an immense con- 
voy of warlike stores, the whole of which might have been 
destroyed or captured, if such had been the desire of the 
King's General. 

A few days afterwards another reinforcement followed 
the first. On this occasion a second assault was made 
upon Vicenza, by night and by surprise. The enemy pene- 
trated into the city, but were repulsed after a severe com- 
bat in the streets which lasted till morning. No sooner 
was the alarm given in the city (about 11 o'clock P. M.) 
than all the windows were instantly lighted up and the 
national flag was displayed from each house, while the la- 
dies appeared at the windows and filled the balconies to en- 
courage the men in the combat, while others attended the 
wounded. By this spirited defence the enemy was, at the 
point of the bayonet, completely driven out of Vicenza 
by the patriots under Belluzzi— but Durando, who was 
at a short distance, did not stir to assist the volunteers ; 
and the second reinforcement, which ought to have been 
cut off, was merely repulsed, and succeeded in joining Ra- 
detzky at Verona. A deputation sent from Venice to 
Durando, to remonstrate with him, received for a reply, 
that " all his movements were in accordance to his in- 
structions from the head-quarters of the King, to whom 
he must, as a soldier, obey." 

I have already explained that, in the early part of the 
revolution, the greater portion of the Venetian fleet was 
enticed into Pola, and there secured by the Austrians ; 
after which they proceeded to blockade the port of Ve- 
nice. The naval arsenal, however, being in that city, se- 
veral ships were found to be in a forward state, the com- 
pletion of which was hurried on ; also several small coast- 
ing vessels were fitted up as gun-boats, and a little marine 
was soon afloat. When the Sardinian fleet showed itself 

G 



62 THIRD LECTURE. 

in the Adriatic, the Austrian ships betook themselves to 
Trieste, where in their turn they, were blockaded. 

Scarcely had the Roman volunteers marched to the 
succour of their Lombard and Venetian brethren, before 
the famous encyclical of Pio, in favor of the reaction, pas- 
sive obedience, and divine right, was published, condemna- 
tory of the war of independence. This circular of the 
Pope was read to all the Austrian troops on their parade, 
and encouraged them greatly, while it could not fail to 
produce an unfavorable impression upon the Italians, (even 
upon such as despised the Pontiff and his Bulls,) because 
it demonstrated that the government was favorable to the 
enemy, and was resolved by every possible means to 
cause the war of independence to fail. That painful state 
of things was at that moment out of the power of the 
patriots to remedy, by driving away the Pope and Cardi- 
nals ; for the mass of the people, though advancing with 
rapid strides towards a knowledge of their rights and in- 
terests, were as yet hardly prepared to make such a radi- 
cal change, while the warmest liberals Were absent with 
the army. 

The first intimation which the liberals obtained of the 
existence of this document was the evening previous to 
its publication, (April 15,) when Pio showed it to Padre 
Ventura — his confessor. Ventura remonstrated at the 
ruin the Pope was about to bring upon his own reputation, 
upon the Pontificate, upon the Catholic religion, and upon 
his country. Pio listened to the representations of Ven- 
tura, who did not leave him till late in the evening, so 
that he flattered himself that the modifications which the 
Pope had promised to introduce would not be counter- 
acted ; but would appear in publication on the following 
morning. On the same night Ventura communicated to 
a few friends the account of this interview — they all 
waited anxiously for the morning — when, to their dismay ^ 



THIRD LECTURE. 63 

the encyclical appeared in its original form. Padre Ven- 
tura immediately sought his holiness — entreated him to 
allay the public excitement by at least publishing some 
consolatory explanations respecting certain ambiguous 
phrases — but to no purpose — all the reply he got from 
Pio being, that " the affair must remain exactly as it was." 

Having related this instance of the Pope's conduct in 
a public matter, I will furnish an example of his duplicity 
in a more private affair. 

A certain Philip Paridisi requested Ventura to get the 
Pope to read a manuscript he had written, concerning the 
conduct of Torlonia in the contract for the monopoly of 
salt and tobacco, and to ask for the approbation of his 
Holiness for its being printed. Torlonia is the Roman 
Rothschild, and Paridisi considered this way of proceed- 
ing as the most secure, for he feared that the money and 
influence of the financier might so operate upon the cen- 
sors as to prevent the publication. Ventura brought the 
document to Pio, who perused it, made three alterations 
in his own hand-writing, and returned the manuscript to 
Paridisi himself, telling him that u with those alterations 
he could, publish it." 

The pamphlet no sooner appeared than poor Paradisi 
was arrested. Padre Ventura then repaired to his Holi- 
ness, and asked him how the author of a work, corrected 
and approved by him, could be arrested. Pio replied that 
he knew nothing about the arrest — but that " the pamph- 
let merited some punishment." Ventura then reminded 
Pio that he himself had corrected or altered the manu- 
script. " What," said Pio, " then has Paradisi shown my 
writing!" He has done very wrong — therefore he has 
got what he deserves. 

The inaction of Durando, and the arrival of the rein- 
forcements to Radetzky, greatly encouraged the Jesuit re- 
actionists throughout Italy. In Tuscany and in Rome, the 



64 THIED LECTURE. 

liberal party proved strong enough to overawe the court • 
but in Naples it was otherwise. The warmest Neapolitan 
patriots having left the dominions of Bomba, for the seat 
of war in the Lombard-Venetian provinces — such of the 
regular troops as were tainted with liberalism having been 
sent there with Pepe — while such as were eminently roy- 
alist were kept in Naples, the King felt himself strong 
enough to hazard the long meditated reaction on the 15th 
of May, 1848. 

Most people have heard of the Lazaroni of Naples, 
and some there are who may imagine that there is such 
a class to be found in all Italian towns. This notion is 
erroneous : these beings are peculiar to the city of Na- 
ples — living apart from the rest of the inhabitants, as the 
Indians do here, or the gypsies in England. The Laza- 
roni are ignorant — superstitious — idle, and not particular- 
ly honest ; therefore to them did the King address himself. 
The police of Bomba guaranteed them plunder and impu- 
nity — the priests promised them paradise, pretending that 
their religion was in danger — and they were by the offi- 
cials of the court assured of the co-operation of the mili- 
tary. The lists of the doomed liberals were submitted 
to the King on the evening of the 14th — His Majesty 
made several additions to them. 

The Neapolitan constitution had reluctantly been con- 
ceded by the King on the 29th of January, 1848. In con- 
sequence, a chamber had been elected and had met in the 
capital. Several difficulties immediately arose, amongst 
which was the very important point, that His Majesty 
could not be induced to take the constitutional oath. This 
obstinacy rendered it evident that the intentions of His 
Majesty were anti-constitutional, and this act encouraged the 
hopes of the reactionists. The chamber having been pro- 
rogued to the 15th of May, the decision of His Majesty 
could not have been longer deferred — and for this reason 



THIRD LECTURE. 65 

that day was fixed upon for the massacre of the patriots. 
In the midst of these scenes of blood, the priests were 
seen, crucifix in hand, encouraging the Lazaroni and sanc- 
tifying the murders. Taken by surprise, the liberals con- 
gregated in various places to defend themselves from the 
Lazaroni, and against these groups the troops werebrougru> 
Thus were the friends of civilization (but the enemies of 
the King) exterminated, their houses sacked, and their fa- 
milies in most cases, even to the little children and women, 
thrown out of the windows. This terrible blow crushed 
for a time the liberal party in Naples; but the barbarities 
of the King and his satellites have recruited those ranks 
which they had thinned, so that the patriots there now 
number more than they did previous to May, 1848. Per- 
haps these atrocities were necessary to demonstrate the 
fallacy of hoping any good from a Prince, and of permit- 
ting a King to continue on his throne, to misdirect a 
revolution. 

The first act of Bomba, after his triumph of the 15th 
of May, was to recall his troops, which were marching to- 
wards the Venetian frontier. This order was received by 
Pepe at Bologna ; but the refusal of the General to obey, 
and the menacing attitude of the Bolognese, caused the 
march to be continued to Ferrari. General Pepe had 
been named to the post of commander of this division, 
partly to satisfy the people, who placed great reliance in 
him, and partly to get rid of him out of Naples during 
the premeditated reaction. The King placed his confidence 
in the second in command — General Statella, who had se- 
cret instructions from His Majesty, with the brevet of the 
chief command, (setting aside Pepe,) to be used when the 
propitious moment should arrive. This was made use of 
at Ferrari, when the patriotic portion of the troops, refusing 
to betray their country at the bidding of a despot, fol- 
lowed Pepe to Venice, in the defence of which place they 

6* 



66 THIRD LECTURE. 

contributed till August, 1849, when it capitulated. Gene- 
ral Statella, with the remainder of the Neapolitan army, 
consisting of such as the royalist officers and the priests 
could influence, returned to Naples, taking another route 
from that by which they had marched towards Ferrari, lest 
they might be intercepted by the indignant Romans. 

We must now return to Lombardy, where we left 
Charles Albert collecting votes — while his adversary, Ra- 
detzky, was collecting bayonets. 

After the Austrian General had received his second 
reinforcement, and had allowed them a couple of days' 
rest, he left Verona for the purpose of assuming the of- 
fensive. He had not yet received a sufficient augmenta- 
tion to enable him to assail his opponent in the encamp- 
ment before Verona ; but the position of the King inside 
the quadrangle of the four fortresses, without one single 
exit safely secured in his own hands, was so false that the 
marshal had merely to execute a manoeuvre which almost 
any school-boy could have calculated, namely, the sei- 
zure of the bridge of Goito, by which all hope of retreat 
would be cut off from the Piedmontese. The situation 
of Peschiera, which fortress was at the last extremity for 
want of provisions, also required an effort to be made for 
its relief. 

At the end of May, Radetzky left Verona unperceived 
by Charles Albert, and entered Mantua with his army. 
Early in the following morning he sallied out of Mantua 
by the western gate, expecting, with such overwhelming 
forces, to sweep away in a few moments the handful of 
Tuscan volunteers encamped at Cortatone and Monta- 
nara on the road to Goito. Had the Austrian General 
succeeded in this project without experiencing any delay, 
the war would have been at once finished, in as far as the 
King would have been concerned, because Radetzky would 
have reached Goito earlier than Charles Albert, and would 



THIRD LECTURE. 67 

have enclosed the Piedmontese army, as in a trap. The lit- 
tle division of Tuscans, (under 6000,) however, kept their 
ground from the morning till the afternoon. About 1500, 
the wreck of the Tuscan volunteers, effected a retreat upon 
Goito in the evening, after having by their gallant self 
devotion thwarted the plans of Radetzky — for their unex- 
pected and protracted resistance caused the loss of an en- 
tire day to the Austrian General ; and Charles Albert, 
warned of his danger had just sufficient time to cross his 
army over to the right bank of the Mincio — or, in other 
words, to get out of the trap by the same door through 
which he had entered. The despised and doomed volunteers 
saved that very King who distrusted them. 

Radetzky on reaching Goito a day after he had calcu- 
lated, found the Piedmontese ready to receive him. The 
main object of the manoeuvre (viz: the possession of the 
pass of Goito) having proved abortive, the next important 
operation for the marshal, was to relieve Peschiera. The 
Austrians made several ineffectual charges to break the 
Piedmontese line ; but they were repulsed in each effort, 
and after a day's hard fighting Radetzky considered it pru- 
dent to retreat before reinforcements could join Charles 
Albert. Though the King could have pursued the Aus- 
trians with manifest advantage — for the roads were bad, 
and the stores which they were escorting to Peschiera 
would have proved a great incumbrance to them — never- 
theless Radetzky was suffered to retire unmolested to 
Mantua. 

If Charles Albert had, from the beginning of the cam- 
paign, taken the precaution to have thrown up some strong 
fortifications on both banks of the Mincio at Goito, so as 
to have always been sure of the passage, then he need not 
have feared being cut off — and then he might by traversing 
one side of the triangle, while Radetzky passed around 
the two, have intercepted the marshal, between Mantua 



68 THIRD LECTURE. 

and Legnano, on his retreat, which would have totally- 
changed the prospect of the war. But His Majesty took 
counsel of none but those whom he considered to be de- 
voted royalists — such men as had the courage to speak 
the truth plainly, were discarded — persecuted — and ca- 
lumniated. 

After the battle of Goito, Peschiera capitulated : and 
while Charles Albert was making electioneering capital 
out of the surrender of that fortress, Radetzky crossed 
the Adige at Legnano with 42,000 men: dashed into the 
midst of the Venetian provinces : and cut off Durando, 
who was, with 13,000, reposing on his arms, and electio- 
neering. The General awoke to a sense of his situation 
when retreat was impossible, (for though the King with a 
superior force could have come to his relief — Durando 
with his small corps could not reach the King,) and he then 
made a splendid though unsuccessful resistance against 
an army more than three times his numerical force. The 
battle lasted from dawn on the 5th of June till evening, 
when the commanding positions had fallen into the hands 
of the Austrians; t and Durando, completely surrounded, 
had expended all his ammunition. A capitulation was 
then agreed to, by which the corps of Durando was to re- 
cross the Roman frontier, and not serve against Austria 
for the space of three months. 

The conduct of the King and his camarilla in this 
emergency deserve particular attention. So soon as the 
intentions of Radetzky became evident, by his placing him- 
self between Vicenza and Padua, thus entirely cutting off 
the retreat of Charles Albert's General, messengers were 
despatched to His Majesty, entreating him to hasten to the 
relief of his lieutenant. It should also be borne in mind, 
that the army of the King had but a few days previous, 
at Goito, proved itself superior to that of Radetzky — there- 
fore, if on this most favorable occasion, the camarilla had 



THIRD LECTURE. 69 

permitted a junction to have been effected between the 
victors of Goito and the 13,000 of Durando, then the Aus- 
trian marshal would not only have found himself over- 
whelmed, but likewise completely cut off from his retreat 
upon the four fortresses, while the volunteers in Treviso, Pa- 
dua, Venice, &o. were ready to fall upon his flank and rear. 
In this campaign the Austrians were, time after time, in 
the power of the King, who, under the guidance of his 
imbecile advisers, always permitted them to escape. In 
the present instance, when the delay of an hour might 
peril the result of the campaign, the King sent evasive 
answers — and at length a positive refusal to move from 
his quarters in the trap, to which he had with an uncon- 
ceivable infatuation returned, after the victory of Goito. 

Thus the Venetian provinces and the volunteers were 
sacrificed ! Treviso quickly shared the fate of Vicenza, 
and the resistance in the north-east of the peninsula was 
restricted to the island of Venice and its dependent fort- 
resses Maestre, Brondolo, &c. The troops in the city and 
forts of Venice were commanded by Pepe, and consisted 
partly in Venetian levies, and partly in the shattered 
remains of various corps of volunteers. 

The Venetians again sent remonstrances to the King, 
who replied, in plain laguage, that "if the provision- 
al government of Venice were dismissed — himself ac- 
knowledged King — and a garrison of 4000 Piedmontese 
were received within the city, he would instantly march 
against Radetzky, and free the country from the enemy." 
The Venetians preferring these hard conditions to their 
return under Austrian tyranny, Manin and the rest of the 
republicans retired from office — the 4000 Piedmontese 
were received in the city — and the royal commissioners 
took possession of the government in the name of Charles 
Albert. 

The relative position of Charles Albert and of Radetz- 



70 T HIE D LECTURE. 

ky was, however, very different at the end of June, to 
what it was at the end of May. While the former had 
been intrigueing to disorganise and to destroy the volun- 
teers, and to diminish the number of his own troops, the 
latter had been actively engaged in collecting means, and 
in increasing the number of bayonets at his disposal. Ra- 
detzky, therefore, decided upon taking the offensive early 
in July, commencing by another manoeuvre, having for 
its object the closing of the trap-door at Goito. Instead, 
however, of passing round by Mantua, as he had done 
previously, he broke through the Tery extended line of 
Charles Albert, (which readied from Rivoli to Somma- 
campagna,) and pushed on a corps to the Mincio, between 
Goito and Peschiera, crossing the river without encoun- 
tering any obstacle. . The Piedmontese, though placed in 
most disadvantageous positions, (their two wings being 
separated,) nevertheless stood their ground on the right 
and left ; but when the King ascertained that the enemy 
was crossing the Mincio — that the communication with 
Peschiera was already intercepted and the pass of Goito 
would soon be secured by the Austrians, his perilous situ- 
ation became evident, and he ordered a precipitate retreat. 
The fatal consequences of the King's mis-management 
now became manifest to all, and the warnings of the li- 
berals, so often despised and rejected, were recollected — 
nevertheless the King and his camarilla continued to resist 
the appointment of men of energy to the direction of civil 
or military affairs. In March the Milanese had (almost 
without arms) freed themselves from their hated oppressors 
— the population in July had arms and some organization^ 
so that with the further help of the neighboring cities, they 
had reasonable grounds for anticipating a successful resis- 
tance. Patriotic leaders of energy and honesty being in- 
dispensable in this emergency, the royal commissioners 
in Milan were deposed, and a committee of public safety, 



THIRD LECTURE. 71 

composed of three citizens, was established. These men 
encouraged the popular enthusiasm, and prepared the city 
for a vigorous defence, while the armed bands were called 
upon to molest the besieging army, and to cut off their 
supplies. 

Had the King seconded this determination of the Mi- 
lanese, and had he with his army kept the field, menacing 
the Austrians in flank as they advanced towards Milan, 
no attack could have been made upon that city — the cam- 
paign could yet have been turned in his favor — and his 
reputation (with the crown of Italy attached to it) could 
have been preserved for him. At this critical moment 
he sent notice to the Milanese, that he would enter the 
city, and bury himself under its ruins, rather let the Aus- 
trians become their masters. This chivalrous declaration 
had the desired effect — the enthusiasm for Charles Albert 
revived — the committee of public safety was dismissed — 
and the defence was in an evil hour trusted to the King. 
While Radetzky advanced upon Milan, the Generals 
of the King destroyed all the preparations of resistance 
made by the committee, and the royal camarilla on its 
side, made every exertion to disorganise the patriots. In 
the hour of need His Majesty abandoned the citizens — 
he fled by night out of one gate as Radetzky prepared to 
enter by another. A terrible lesson was thus given to 
the Lombards — to all Italy — to the whole world, of trust- 
ing a revolution in the hands of a Prince! 

As a climax to all these errors, the King issued orders 
to Garibaldi, and to all other officers, to lay down their 
arms — likewise to his commissioners, to deliver up Venice 
to the Austrians, and to retire with the 4000 Piedmontese 
within the frontier of the Tecino. Garibaldi, as might 
be supposed, refused to obey such orders — he continued 
to defend himself against vastly superior numbers until 
eventually driven across the frontier. 



72 THIRD LECTURE. 

The Venetians, so soon as they had recovered from 
the astonishment which such a proposal of surrender gave 
rise to, replied to His Majesty, that " when they consent- 
ed to accept him as King, it was with the express stipu- 
lation that he should free the country from the presence of 
the enemy — and certainly it was never contemplated that 
he should hand them over to the tender mercies of the 
Croats — consequently that Charles Albert, having failed to 
perform his part of the contract, and having renounced his 
claim in favor of their enemy, the Emperor of Austria — 
they, the people, would have nothing more to do with him ; 
but that they would reinstate their former republican go- 
vernment, and would defend themselves without seeking 
any kingly aid. 

When the success of the Austrian arms was known in 
the other parts of Italy, the Jesuitical reaction strove 
again to raise its head. The King of Naples prepared an 
expedition against Sicily : the Pope strove, but in vain, 
to nullify his reforms, for the Romans were able to 
confine the reaction to the limits of the Vatican : while 
the Grand Duke, of Tuscany took a decided stand on the 
reactionary ground, trusting to the vicinity of Radetzky's 
bayonets. The Duchies of Parma and Modena were oc- 
cupied by the Austrians, and the rule of their respective 
petty tyrants was restored. The Austrians likewise en* 
tered Bologna — but the citizens, left to their own resour- 
ces, rose against the intruders and drove them away. 

At this epoch (August, 1848,) the Austrians menaced 
the frontier of Tuscany, and the liberals insisted that the 
government of the Grand Duke should take .energetic 
measures. This the Grand Duke did in one acceptation 
of the phrase — but in the wrong sense — for he attacked 
the liberals. The political clubs now came forward, is- 
sued addresses to the people, and nominated a central 
committee of defence in Florence, The government im- 



-THIRD LECTURE. 73 

mediately appointed another committee, so as to thwart 
the action of that named by the clubs — and as two con- 
flicting powers could not exist in the same state with ad- 
vantage to the public, it was determined that the one 
nominated by the clubs should limit its present operations 
to watching the progress of events, and be in readiness to 
act when called upon ; which resolution was officially no- 
tified to the government. 

Matters seemed coming towards a crisis, Leghorn 
having protested against the violation of the constitution, 
when Father Gavazzi arrived at that port, en route for Bo- 
logna. The authorities refused him permission to land ; 
but the people took him out of the ship, and the Nation- 
al Guard furnished him a piquet to protect him from the 
police. From this circumstance arose the collision which 
shortly afterwards took place between the citizens and the 
troops, who, with the Governor and the police, were dri- 
ven out of the city. 

The Grand Duke next issued incendiary proclamations 
calling upon his faithful subjects to join him at Pisa, (about 
ten miles distant from Leghorn,) to " restore order." The 
people of Leghorn, on the other hand, issued their expla- 
nation of the case, appealing to the good sense of the 
Tuscans and of all Italians. In plain language they de- 
monstrated that they were armed in defence of the consti- 
tution, liberty, law, and order, which the reactionary go- 
vernment was endeavoring to subvert. The volunteers 
collected at Pisa soon perceived the deception which the 
Grand Duke had practiced upon them — some returned to 
their homes — some went to Leghorn — and His Royal 
Highness was left nearly alone at Pisa. 

Now mark the duplicity of a Prince. When he found 
himself in this dilemma, he issued a proclamation declar- 
ing his aversion to civil war — recommending the volunteers 
to return to their homes — and thanking them for their 

7 



74 THIRD LECTURE. 

demonstration in favor of order — yet while he was pen- 
ning this document he was negotiating with Charles Al- 
bert for two corps of troops of the line to reduce Leghorn, 
and to support the reaction. The troops came, but it was 
soon found that they too were accessible to reason, and 
that a fraternization was taking place between them and 
the Tuscans — they were therefore speedily sent back. 

The Grand Duke having failed in his projects of vio- 
lence, threw himself on the chicanery of diplomacy, mak- 
ing peace with his subjects by laying upon his ministers 
the blame of his past conduct. Guerrazzi and Montanelli 
were then called to the ministry by the desire of the peo- 
ple. His Eoyal Highness likewise promised to convoke a 
constituent Assembly, and conceded every point required 
of him. Secretly, however, he remained in correspon- 
dence with the reaction and diplomacy, he sent away his 
valuables unperceived, and prepared himself for flight 
upon the first convenient occasion. 

King Bomba's expedition against Sicily sailed from 
Naples and attacked Messina early in September, notwith- 
standing the assurances given by diplomacy to the provi- 
sional government that there was no need of any uneasiness 
on the subject, since these hostilities would not be permit- 
ted. The Sicilians, having placed j reliance upon these 
promises, were taken unawares, and Messina was sacked. 
After that blow the diplomatists did write some pro- 
tests — but to what purpose 1 The mischief was accom- 
plished ! An armistice was subsequently agreed upon — 
the diplomatists lulled the people into a fatal confidence 
in their good offices — prohibited and prevented their tak- 
ing those energetic measures for their salvation, which 
they wished to do — and eventually handed over the Sici- 
lians to the tender mercies of Bomba. 

Scarcely had the noble resistance of Leghorn restored 
"order" and the "constitution" to Tuscany, before the 



« THIRD LECTURE. 75 

Pope and the reaction in Rome made fresh attempts to 
subvert order. The Romans, however, encouraged by the 
success of their brethren of Leghorn, insisted upon the 
constitution being respected. The Jesuits on the other 
hand advocated extreme measures, trusting as usual to 
the bayonets of Austria for support. Pio, as on former 
occasions, endeavored to steer a medium course — he 
named Rossi as his minister, who was disliked by the Je- 
suits, since he had been exiled for liberalism when a young 
man— while it gave no confidence to the liberals, because 
he had been a minister of Louis Philipe. He, however, 
declared that he intended to abide by the constitution. 

On the 15th of November, 1848, he was killed on the 
steps of the National Assembly, in the midst of the police 
of the government, who did not even endeavor to seize 
the assassin. The papal police pretended that, some hours 
afterwards, they made exertions to ascertain the name of 
the person who struck the blow, without obtaining any 
clue to the mystery. A new ministry was then named 
by his Holiness- — but it did not give satisfaction. 

On the 24th of November, Pio, acting under the ad- 
vice of the Jesuits and diplomatists, disguised himself as 
a footman, mounted the coach box by the side of a coach- 
man, and in this undignified style abandoned the aposto- 
lic chair. This step it was hoped by the Jesuits and 
diplomatists would have brought about a violent and 
sanguinary reaction — but it was quite the contrary. So 
soon as the flight of the Pope was known, the people de- 
cided that the ministry already appointed by him should 
continue to direct the public affairs, till an Assembly of 
the Representatives of the people, elected by universal 
suffrage, could be brought together. 

The ministers named by Pio previous to his flight re- 
mained in the exercise of their functions till the meeting 
of the Assembly. The Pope had left a note with the 



76 THIRD LECTURE. 

master of the wardrobe, of which this is the copy, — 

" Rome, November 24, 1848. 
" Dear Marquis Sacchetti : 

" I leave. Tell the ministers to take charge of the 
effects in the apostolic palace. Pick" 

Not a word about the people — or their wants — only 
an injunction to take charge of his clothes and other 
property ! 

Messengers and deputations were sent to His Holi- 
ness, requesting him to return to Rome as head of the 
church — but none of these were able to obtain an audi- 
ence. Pio caused it to be signified to these deputations 
that he would never return, unless it should be as absolute 
sovereign — thus demonstrating that it was not for his spi- 
ritualities, but for his temporalities that he cared. 

The flight of Pio, it should be recollected, was not the 
result of menace or of violence used against him — but it 
was a scheme of the reactionists ; in which, however, they 
proved themselves to be very deficient in discretion, for 
the consequence of it was the consolidation of the revolu- 
tion. His taking up his residence with King Bomba, was 
another essentia* blunder — for it identified his cause with 
that of the most odious tyrant in existence. 

Finding the reaction in his favor was somewhat more 
tardy than he had been led to expect, he thundered anathe- 
mas from Gaeta — he called upon the Swiss troops to join 
him — and failing in all his projects, he eventually appeal- 
ed to foreign despots for the use of their legions, to spread 
destruction and desolation throughout the states of the 
church. Cardinal Marini and other prelates went into 
such parts of the mountains as were inhabited by the most 
bigotted and ignorant of the population, striving to excite 
their fanaticism. But the success was but small — privi- 
leged passports for Heaven have not now the charm they 
formerly had. 



THIRD LECTURE, 77 

Among other advantages which the people derived 
from this ill-advised step of His Holiness, was the elec- 
tion of an Assembly chosen by universal suffrage — so 
that the nation could peaceably and legally pronounce its 
determination respecting the form of government. It 
likewise gave the world a complete practical refutation of 
that calumny which has been so industriously circulated 
by the agents of the reaction, who have represented the 
people as not fit to be trusted with the guidance of their 
own affairs. But experience has proved these assertions 
of the royalists to be totally false — for the elections 
were participated in by ALL classes of citizens, not in 
the capital only, but throughout the state, in so remarka- 
ble orderly a manner, that they might with justice be cit- 
ed as examples to many neighboring countries, where 
popular elections are not new introductions, and where in- 
timidation, bribery and rioting are not absolutely un- 
known on similar occasions. The conduct of the people 
was the more praiseworthy, since the elections occurred 
in a moment of peculiar difficulty, reactionary agents be- 
ing at that time busily engaged in attempting to excite 
disorder, and being well provided with Russian gold, back- 
ed by superstition and calumny, which the Jesuits know 
so well how to use. The Pope on his part had menaced 
with ex-communication all those who should dare to vote 
for the election of members to the Assembly. 

Let us now turn and contemplate the Assembly cho- 
sen by the people, and we shall find them all to be men 
conspicuous for their patriotism — their talents — their so- 
cial position and private virtues. The constitution and 
the laws enacted by this constituent Assembly serve as a 
corroboration of my assertion. No man can, in any coun- 
try, guarantee the future — but from such a commence- 
ment we have strong presumptive evidence of stability, 

7* 



78 THIRD LECTURE. 

legality and order — vastly different from that which the 
Pope produces. 

I must here remark that popular meetings during the 
whole course of the movement were very common. All 
the Italian cities and even many towns had their " People's 
Club.'''' Large cities had several in the various quarters. 
These met frequently in the evenings after the hours of 
work — the people frequented them to partake in the dis- 
cussion of questions of public interest, rather than go to 
a theatre or a cafe. These meetings, like so many debat- 
ing clubs, accustomed the population to public assemblies, 
and diffused an immense amount of useful information 
among the citizens of all classes. I have sometimes known 
that, on extraordinary occasions, when the usual place of 
meeting has been found too small, an adjournment has tak- 
en place to some larger locality, such as a theatre or the 
market place, yet I never saw any confusion. In Florence, 
the regular meetings were held twice a week in a church : 
in Siena, in the opera house. A theatre is particularly 
well adapted for such a purpose, since the President, Vice- 
President, Secretary, &c. can have their table placed on 
the stage, while such as desire to address the audience can 
advance to the platform and speak. The presence of la- 
dies in these assemblies is productive of the best results. 
The good order maintained in discussing the most excit- 
ing questions, and the excellent good taste displayed by 
even the most illiterate class of the population is very re- 
markable. Their suggestions to the government were va- 
luable and produced profound impressions in the villages 
around, where these deliberations and votes of the popu- 
lar clubs were circulated. The address of the " People's 
Club" to Pio IX, in the spring of 1849, is a chef (P mure. 
Before proceeding further with the affairs of Rome, 
I must observe that early in the month of February, 1849, 
the Grand Duke of Tuscany, under the advice of the di- 



THIRD LECTURE, 79 

plomatists, ran away clandestinely from Siena, and pro- 
ceeded to Gaeta to join his brother-in-law, Bomba and 
the Pope. Imitating the example of His Holiness when 
he absconded from Rome, His Royal Highness issued in- 
cendiary proclamations, exciting the Tuscans to civil war, 
but in vain ; for a triumvirate was named, composed of 
Guerrazzi, Monzoni and Montanilli. The general desire 
of the Tuscans was to unite with Rome and form one re- 
public of Central Italy. This was the wisest project which 
could have been suggested — it would have given a com- 
mencement to Italian unity — the population of the new 
republic would have been 5,000,000 — and the kingdom 
of Naples would, to a certainty, have speedily joined this 
State. The diplomatists became frantic at beholding the 
result of their intrigues — every imaginable scheme was 
practised to gain time — and delay was procured. But 
delay is not destruction, and it will eventually bring 
about a more sweeping reform than otherwise might have 
occurred. Every day confirms the probability of this 
result. 

The dread of a republic, orderly, economically and 
justly administered in the centre of Italy, may have been 
one of the stimulants which induced the King, Charles 
Albert, to break the armistice with Austria, which he did 
in March, 1849. His Majesty, who coveted the crown of 
Italy, (without knowing how to gain it) viewed with dread 
the spread of republican ideas in central Italy, under the 
tutilage of those men whom he distrusted and calumni- 
ated. Unable to bear the comparison between his own 
conduct and that of the patriot leaders, he rushed madly 
forward, in the hope of retrieving his fortune. However, 
the camarilla which surrounded him, remained as obsti- 
nately attached to the reaction as they ever were — in 
short, this handful of courtiers was under Jesuit influence, 
which was another name for Austrian. 



80 THIRD LECTURE. 

Had the King undertaken this second campaign with 
energy, placing patriotic and capable leaders at the head 
of his troops, instead of applying to diplomacy to recom- 
mend a commander, he could have been nearly certain of 
success — for the Austrain army would have had to en- 
counter the whole of Lombardy and Venice in insurrec- 
tion, besides the army of the King to meet in the field. 
Had Charles Albert kept his whole, army together, he 
could have marched into Milan without Eadetzky being 
able to offer any resistance — but on the contrary, he divid- 
ed his 120,000 men into three divisions, one he sent 
round by Piacenza — another by the Lago Maggiore — and 
the centre he marched towards Novara, on the road to 
Milan — one division, the right, was three days' march dis- 
tant. The Austrian General at once attacked the centre 
with his whole force. The battle lasted the greater part 
of the day — -the Piedmontese soldiers, as usual, behaved 
bravely — but the commanders so completely mismanaged 
the manoeuvres, that nearly half the troops were not 
placed so as to be engaged — and the weight of the Aus- 
trian attack had to be supported by only a comparatively 
few, who were overwhelmed. In the evening of this dis- 
aster, the camarilla surrounded the King — whom they in- 
duced to abdicate and fly — the new King immediately 
signed a disgraceful armistice, against which, the country 
in general, especially the city of Genoa protested. But, be- 
fore I mention the circumstances attending the publication 
of the news at Genoa, I must relate the painful sacrifice of 
life which occurred at the city of Bresica. 

Among the modes of warfare determined on by the 
King, was that of raising the country in insurrection, in 
the rear of the Austrians. The city of Bresica was par- 
ticularly important for this operation, both on account of 
its topographical position, as on account of the very anti- 
Austrian feeling of the inhabitants. An agent was sent 



THIRD LECTURE. 



81 



to that place, who, acting according to his instructions, 
excited the people to rise in arms, in the name of His 
Majesty. After the defeat and armistice of Novara, no 
counter- orders were despatched to Bresica — and the people 
of that city, misled by false hopes, persevered in their 
resistance. An Austrian division, under Haynau, was then 
sent against the place, the inhabitants of the city resisted 
heroically, and the Austrians were everywhere repulsed. 

Eventually Haynau, having obtained a parley, induced 
the citizens to desist from further opposition, by demon- 
strating that they were entirely isolated, the King having 
been defeated and an armistice signed. A stipulation was 
made in consequence, by which the citizens on the one 
hand desisted from further resistance — while entire obli- 
vion of the insurrection, security for persons and property, 
&c. &c. was guaranteed by the Austrian General. Hav- 
ing by these treacherous means obtained ingress to the 
city, Haynau gave it up to pillage — and such a massacre 
followed as seldom has been related in history, and that 
contrary to the faith of a solemn capitulation. Whole fa- 
milies were murdered, and even babies thrown out of the 
window. The spirit which such atrocities has raised in 
the country can be pretty well imagined. 

While these barbarities were being perpetrated by 
Haynau, Genoa and some other cities of Piedmont refus- 
ed to acknowledge the armistice. The division of La 
Marmora, about 20,000 strong, was consequently marched 
against the insurrection of Genoa, (at the head of which 
was General Avezzana,) and after several days resistance, 
the King's troops became masters of the city. General 
Avezzana, with about a dozen of those most compromised, 
left for Rome, where he rendered very essential service, 
as minister of war. General Avezzana is a citizen of the 
United States. He has for many years resided among 
you, having been forced to emigrate in the year 1821. 



82 THIRD LECTURE.. 

Immediately after this, the invasion of Tuscany and 
the Bolognese provinces by the Austrians, and the Eoman 
expedition of the French occurred. Bologna made a splen- 
did resistance — but it is seldom that the defence of an open 
city can be protracted beyond a few days. So soon as the 
Croats obtained an entrance into the place, and became mas- 
ters, they perpetrated their usual barbarities. Thence they 
proceeded^to Ancona, which not being prepared for a siege, 
though partially fortified, soon fell into their hands. The 
fortifications have since undergone a thorough repair, which, 
with other proceedings, demonstrate the intention of the 
Austrians to keep their acquisition — so long as they can. 
The Austrians then advanced to Perugia and Spolito, but 
did not get nearer to Rome than that latter city, which they 
subsequently evacuated. 



The next (and last) Lecture will give some accounts of 
the affairs of Rome since the flight of the Pope, and dur- 
ing the siege — also respecting the state of the country 
since that epoch. 



OST 2TAZ.TT. 



In the present discourse I shall treat of the interven- 
tion of the Austrian, Neapolitan, Spanish and Trench 
coalition, and of its consequences, that you may better 
comprehend the important events which will soon begin 
to develop themselves in Italy, and in other parts of Eu- 
rope. I must beg of you to bear in mind that Italy is the 
only country in Continental Europe in which despotism is 
obliged to provide foreign bayonets to keep down the 
people — the other countries are as yet oppressed by their 
own sons, marshaled into standing armies. 

Innumerable conjectures have been formed respecting 
the motives which prompted the French to undertake an 
expedition against a sister republic, and in favor of a des- 
pot — of a Pope. To enable ourselves to form any opinion 
approaching to correctness upon this subject, we must 
take a glance at the state of parties in France — and at 
the Prince President himself. 

A year previous to the embarkation of the expedition 
against Rome, France had undergone a revolution — the 
echo of the Italian movement. The same error was com- 
mitted by the people in each country, viz: to believe in 
the promises and the repentance of royalists and reaction- 



84 FOURTH LECTURE. 

ists. In Trance, a majority of this class managed (under 
false colors) to get elected into the National Assembly 
The Jesuitical reactionary party, emboldened by the for- 
bearance of the people, sought allies among the trading 
and moneyed interests, whom they succeeded in fright- 
ening with an insane fear of progress. 

The cry raised by the artful partizans of despotism 
was " Good christians ! Society and property are in 
danger — we alone can save you ! A little more or a little 
less of liberty is of no material consequence when com- 
pared with property — rally quickly around us, we alone 
can save you I " By this scheme they drew pecuniary re- 
sources from the timid wealthy, and physical support 
from a deceived and victimised public — whereas neither 
society nor property were ever menaced : Despotism alone 
was in peri], and got propped up again. You Americans do 
not thoroughly appreciate Jesuitism : take warning by 
the fate of your neighbors : recollect that it is by unfurl- 
ing false banners, by feigning principles not their own, 
and by creating ungrounded alarms, that this monster ob- 
tains the accomplishment of its projects. Royalism, Je- 
suitism and diplomacy, by spreading the panic far and 
wide, greatly contributed to the nomination of Louis Bo- 
naparte to the Presidency ; but there were other agencies 
which likewise contributed towards this catastrophe, 
among the chief of which we may consider the disunion 
which had been sown among the republican ranks. Se- 
veral candidates were in the field, but no single party be- 
ing sufficiently strong to insure the success of its special 
favorite, a combination of several fractions decided upon 
supporting some individual to occupy merely ad interim 
the vacant station. Louis Bonaparte, being a person of 
whose talents the royalists had no fear, they voted for him 
rather than for Cavagnac ; and as he had by his writings 
and speeches led the people to hope that he would uphold 



FOURTH LECTURE. 85 

the glory of France, and check the ambition of foreign 
despots this "Prince" became the successful competitor. 
Possessing all the ambition, but lacking the genius of 
his uncle, and despairing of becoming the architect of his 
own fortune, with no other materials than his own merit, 
the Prince President was no sooner elected than he threw 
himself into the arms of that very reactionary party 
which only desired to make a convenient tool of him. 
He was so blind that he could not perceive that, if the 
royalists should ever be strong enough to bring about a 
restoration, it would not be in favor of him, but of another. 
To conciliate the Czar, the nobles and the priests, and un- 
der the pledge of a quid pro quo, the Prince President 
determined upon the dangerous experiment of a Papal res- 
toration. Though the majority in the French Assembly 
as well as the bourgeoisie were at that epoch trembling at 
the phantoms which the royalists had conjured up ; yet so 
outrageous of common decency was the expedition in its 
nature, that the advisers of the Prince President found it 
prudent to shrowd it under false pretexts. First, the As- 
sembly (and through that medium the whole nation) was 
officially assured that the object in view was to uphold 
French influence and interests in Italy — wheras the inter- 
vention has totally swamped them. Next, it was pre- 
tended that the French cabinet was desirous to prevent 
the intervention of Austria — whereas it acted according 
to a secret understanding with the imperial court, Aus- 
tria at that time not being itself in a position to interfere 
with the Roman republicans. It was repeatedly asserted 
officially by the French ministry, that they did not con- 
template the restoration of the temporalities of the 
Pope — whereas the French had nought else which they 
could give to His Holiness, since his spiritualities had 
been offered to him — even had been urged upon him, im- 
mediately after he had fled from Rome in November, 1848. 

8 



FOURTH LECTURE 



The concurrence of the French Assembly was neces- 
sary to obtain a vote of funds — which were granted. But 
to persuade the French soldiers to become a party to this 
transaction, more deceit was practised. The troops were 
told (and they believed) that they were going to fight the 
Austrians — their commander alone knew the secret object 
of the expedition. 

Before proceeding with an account of the warlike pre- 
parations on both sides, I wish to call the attention of my 
hearers to the situation of Rome and of the provinces. 
I have already mentioned that there existed in the Roman 
state a constituent Assembly, elected by universal suffrage, 
charged with the mandate of forming a constitution and of 
providing for the exigencies of the times. The deposition 
of the Pope from his temporal rule, which had been pro- 
nounced defacto by himself, when he voluntarily aban- 
doned the government, was, on the 9th of February, 1849, 
pronounced legally and formally by the representatives of 
the people. 

The decree — moved by Professor Filopanti — was re- 
markably concise, and merits recording. 

Article 1. Popery, in point of fact, and in point of 
right, is deprived of its temporal power in the Roman 
States. 

Art. 2. The form of government in the State shall be 
democratic — under the glorious name of Roman Republic. 

Art. 3. The Roman Pontiff shall have every guarantee 
for the independent exercise of his spiritual functions. 

Art. 4. The policy of Rome, in relation to the other 
parts of Italy, shall be such as the common nation ably 
requires. 

Another decree abolished the Inquisition, and destined 
that immense edifice to be portioned out in gratuitous 
lodgings for poor families. 

Other decrees restored to the State, for the use of the 






FOURTH LECTURE. 87 

poor, all lands detained by the convents. An income Of 
400,000 dollars per annum was designated for the private 
use of the Pope, besides his palaces, &c. Entire liberty 
of conscience was established : as a proof of which two 
Jews were among the members of the Assembly — the 
one elected at Ferrara, the other at Bologna. 

Notwithstanding the provocations which the past con- 
duct of the popish partizans had given, not an execution 
took place during the reign of the republic. On one oc- 
casion there was for a few moments a little excitement 
and irritation in the city, some Jesuits in disguise having 
been discovered sent into Rome as spies by the French. 
On another occasion when some of the instruments of 
torture from the Inquisition were discovered hidden in a 
convent of monks. And likewise when some gross abuses 
of the confessional had come to light, upon which occasion 
the people took these wooden boxes out of the churches 
to burn them, together with other popish paraphanalia. 
But the triumvirate, so soon as they were informed of the 
circumstance (although their opinions were diametrically 
opposed to the Papacy) issued a preclamation calling upon 
the people to respect liberty of conscience : consequently 
the people took back the confessionals, &c. to their places. 
The republican government took no part in any religious 
persecution. 

Amongst other objects of priestly pride which excited 
the indignation of the Roman populace were the State 
coaches of the Cardinals. Some of these were, on the oc- 
casion above alluded to, destroyed before the triumvirate 
could rescue them. But were there no popular excite- 
ments during the American revolution ? Were there no 
carriages [private carriages) burnt, and no household fur- 
niture thrown into the bonfire in the stamp act riots in 
1765 1 Such acts are inevitable sometimes — it is only 
surprising that we cannot find more instances in Italy, 



88 FOURTH LECTURE. 

where the provocation was far greater than can be shown 
in any other country. 

The opening of the Inquisition was one of the very 
memorable occurrences consequent upon the establishment 
of a free government. The orders were executed by the 
civil officers of the republic, accompanied by crowds of 
citizens anxious to assist in liberating any victims which 
the prison might contain. The probable opening of this 
den of iniquity had been for several days publicly can- 
vassed in the city — therefore the inquisitors got the alarm, 
and removed much out of sight. This we infer because 
many stair-cases and passages were discovered which had 
been quite recently walled up, and so dirtied over as out- 
wardly to look like old masonry. A withered old monk 
opened the gate at the summons of the civil authorities, 
the other "familiars" made their escape through some 
of the many secret outlets. The janitor, abusing the for- 
bearance of the people, had the impudence to protest 
against the " sacralege "—but the people passed on with- 
out^heeding his grumbling. The prisoners, among whom 
was a bishop, were set free. 

On penetrating into the interior, the rooms of the 
chief inquisitors were examined — and the three great li- 
braries were for the first time opened for public inspection. 
In one of these large halls were the various manuscripts 
which had been from time to time robbed from their au- 
thors, upon the occasion of their having sought permission 
to print their works, but who never could procure even 
the restitution of their productions — thus did the Jesuits 
plunder these poor men of their discoveries,- inventions 
and ideas. But these manuscripts were not destroyed by 
the disciples of Lojola, who treasured them up for their 
own instruction. In another large library were collected 
all the prohibited works of various languages ; which, like 
the manuscripts already mentioned served, to educate and 



FOURTH LECTURE. 



to sharpen the cunning of the Jesuits. The third library- 
consisted of books not prohibited. 

Several passages were discovered leading to the tribu- 
nal — the torture — the obliviat, &c. In this last place, 
which was covered by a trap-door in a narrow corridor, 
were found the remains of many victims, whom the holy 
fathers did not Consider it prudent to liberate after having 
tortured them, but whom the inquisitors wished to be dis- 
encumbered of. Tresses of long female hair were found 
in this horrible pit — which vestiges of murdered women 
could not have belonged to nuns, since they have their 
hair cut short. The trap-door serving as a lid to the dry 
well was so constructed that the slightest pressure of any- 
thing upon the top would make it tip over, and the person 
unconsciously traversing this tomb, could not help being 
precipitated into the gaping chasm, where death might 
come speedily -or slowly, as it might by chance happen. 
No egress was possible except through this treacherous 
trap -door — and no one let down even a cup of water to 
the" doomed victim, who probably broke some limbs in 
the fall- — fortunate were those who broke their necks. In 
the cellars of this building, which is impiously styled the 
Holy Office, were discovered rows of bodies buried up 
to their necks only — leaving the heads above ground. From 
the contortions of the bodies and skeletons interred at 
different periods, it was evident that they had been 
BURIED ALIVE. 

Nor was it in the inquisition alone where the evidences 
of murders were discovered. In a convent of monks near 
Veletri, and in another in Rome, were discovered the re- 
mains of murdered females. 

Many most false assertions have been circulated by 
the reactionists respecting the intentions of the Romans 
to have destroyed some of their finest churches, and other 
monuments — even to the blowing up of St. Peters itself. 

8* 



90 FOURTH LECTURE. 

If the Romans had desired to have destroyed any of these 
monuments they could have done so. If by blowing up, 
or by pulling down St. Peters, they could have ensured 
the blowing up or the pulling down of Popery and Jesu- 
itism, 1 have no doubt but they would have sacrificed 
the edifice. The indignation of the Roman people was not 
directed against a mere pile of bricks and mortar — theirs 
was a far nobler enterprise — they sought to appropriate 
these localities to a better use. 

The amount and the description of the republican 
troops in Rome has been the subject of much misrepre- 
sentation — the total force never mustered 16,000, many 
ill-armed and most of them recruits. As the war pro- 
gressed, this small number became greatly diminished. 
The armies of the coalition numbered upwards of 90,000 
men in the field— all well armed, organized and disciplined. 
The French, 40,000— Neapolitan, about 25,000— Austrian, 
about 30,000 — Spanish, 6,000 : besides an immense re- 
serve in the several States of France, Austria, Naples 
and Spain. 

The assertion that there were many foreigners in the 
service of the Roman republic during the revolution, is 
false. Even if there had been ever so large a number, 
that could not have affected disadvantageously the rights 
of the Romans — on the contrary, it would have shown 

that OTHER PEOPLE HAD THE SAME WAY OF VIEWING THE 

matter, as the Romans had. Were there no foreigners 
who showed their active sympathy for the American re- 
volution of 11761 The King of Naples has a force of 
7 to 8000 Swiss in his pay, besides many foreign officers 
among his other troops. The Emperor of Austria has a 
large number of foreigners in his army. The Pope had 
his Swiss guard (about 5,000) besides receiving large sums 
of money from all parts of the world — even from the pa- 
pists of the United States. The French have their foreign 



FOURTH LECTURE. 91 

legion. Why are the republicans to be debarred from re- 
ceiving the active sympathy of all those who are of their 
party] This question is not the cause of Rome alone, 
but that of the whole civilized world, bound together in 
the bond of fellowship, struggling to resist the league of 
despots — and strange indeed it would be if those who 
love liberty should look on at this contest with indiffer- 
ence — or if the Romans should reject the sympathy of such 
as take up arms, and risk their lives in the defence of li- 
beral principles. The calling Italians "foreigners" in Italy 
is absurd — Washington might just as well have been 
styled a foreigner when he came to Long Island, because 
he ivas not bom there, but in Virginia. 

The French expedition was commanded by General 
Oudinot — a devoted servant of royalty. Before sailing 
from France he issued a general order, couched in such 
terms as to lead the soldiers to believe that they were 
about to take part in a glorious and useful war against 
Austrian aggression, and in support of republican Rome. 
The expedition reached Civita Vecchia on the 25th of April, 
1849, and the commandant persevered in the same system 
of deception, announcing to the authorities of the place 
that his intentions were amicable. The Governor not be- 
ing prepared with orders from Rome as to his line of con- 
duct in these circumstances — not believing it possible for 
the General of an army of brave and honorable French 
soldiers to be guilty of falsehood — and not wishing to 
show discourtesy to those who professed to come as friends, 
received the French as brothers. The two republican 
banners were hoisted on the tree of liberty by the French 
and Roman officers, both of whom were deceived by 
Oudinot. Having thus secured a footing in the city and 
castle, the French General suddenly caused the Roman 
battalion to be disarmed, and took military possession of 
the place. Soon after this, the Roman minister of foreign 



92 FOURTH LECTURE. 

affairs (Rusconi) arrived at Civita Vecchia, to demand a 
categorical answer from Oudinot as to his intentions. In 
reply, the French General still pretended that he came on 
a friendly mission, and had no intention of acting against 
the government elected by the people. Having declared 
his resolution of marching to Rome, Rusconi very appro- 
priately informed him, that if the French desired to march 
against the Austrians, the Roman army would greet them 
as brothers — but the Austrians being in the north, while 
Rome was south, the French could have no need of taking 
that direction — but Oudinot persisting in his plan of 
marching to Rome, he was officially informed of the de- 
cree of the constituent Assembly, that in such a case 
"force should be repelled by force." 

This caution the French General totally disregarded — 
he thought that he had under his orders an army suffi- 
ciently strong to crush all opposition on the part of the 
republicans. He was likewise misled by the priests, who 
represented to him that they had a party within the walls 
desirous of co-operating with the French army to restore 
the Pope. In this particular the Pope may have been 
himself deceived — at any rate his agents completely mis- 
led the General, who found to his cost that there was but 
one party in Home — the party of the people. 

On the morning of the 30th of April, 1849, the French 
army arrived before Rome. The defence of the city was 
confided to General Avezzana, who had taken all those 
measures which the shortness of the time permitted. 
Having placed some corps of volunteers along the wall, 
he then posted General Garibaldi with 1200 men in a few 
villas outside the gate called Porta St. Panceazio, to the 
west of Porta Cavallegere. The French General attacked 
the gate called the Porta Cavalagere, where the city re- 
cedes into a bay, thus exposing his troops to a destructive 
cross fire from the volunteers near the gardens of the 



FOURTH LECTURE. 93 

Vatican, which projected on the French left, and from the 
corps of Garibaldi on their right. Oudinot also made two 
ineffectual attempts upon the walls near the Vatican. 
When the engagement had become general, Garibaldi left 
his position in the villas and attacked the enemy's flank 
with such vigor that their right wing was obliged to change 
front to repel him. The very superior numerical force 
of the French enabled them to repulse Garibaldi, and se- 
veral hand to hand encounters with the bayonet occurred, 
in one of which between three and four hundred soldiers 
were taken prisoners and conducted into Rome. When 
General Avezzana perceived that the little band of Gari- 
baldi was exposed to the weight of the entire right wing 
of the French, he sent reinforcements to him to the 
amount of 1500 men, which enabled the Romans to repel 
the French, when the whole line of the expeditionary 
army of Oudinot retreated about fourteen miles on the 
road to Civila Vecchia, pursued by Garibaldi, who actually 
encamped with 2,500 men in front of the French army — 
nor did he return to Rome till recalled by the government. 
The French suffered so severely on the 30th of April 
that they had not dressings or surgeons sufficient to sup- 
ply their wants; Oudinot therefore applied to the Romans, 
who sent him surgeons and dressings. He proposed to 
exchange the soldiers whom he had captured at Civita 
Vecchia, for those taken in the engagement of the 30th of 
April — but the Roman government replied that they could 
not place these on the same footing — the former being the 
victims of his treachery and bad faith — while the latter 
were fairly captured in open war. The only prisoner taken 
by Oudinot on that day was the good priest Ugo Bassi, 
who exposed himself alone by seeking the wounded. This 
man was sent on parole to Rome to propose the exchange 
in the way the French General desired. According to his 
promise, Bassi returned to the enemy's camp, but without 



94 



FOURTH LECTURE 



having obtained a favorable answer. The spirit of Regu- 
lus is not extinct in Rome. 

In the Eoman hospitals the same attention and care 
was bestowed upon the French invaders as upon the Ita- 
lian patriots : this humanity, however, only served to exas- 
perate Oudinot, because his own conduct suffered the more 
by such comparisons. Though the eyes of the French 
began to be opened to the real state of the Italian question, 
yet their military renown was compromised, and before 
that every other consideration gave way. Fresh troops 
were sent for from France, where various pretexts were 
invented to palliate the defeat ; and the French remained 
nearly inactive till their arrival. 

This lull allowed Garibaldi the opportunity of leaving 
the city with 2,000 men to watch the Neapolitans, who, 
to the number of about 25,000, had invaded the Roman 
territory on the south. A division of this army left the 
Tusculum hills where they were encamped, and went for- 
ward to meet the Romans. Garibaldi drew up his little 
force at the small town of Palestrina, where the enemy 
attacked them, but were completely routed. Garibaldi's 
want of cavalry alone saved the royalists from being 
annihilated. 

A larger expedition was now sent against the King of 
Naples, who was still encamped among the Tusculum hills, 
having his head-quarters at Velletri, which was occupied 
by the main body of 18,000 men. The Roman vanguard 
(1,800 men) was under the orders of Garibaldi. On their 
approach to about three miles of the place, an attack was 
made upon them by about 8,000 Neapolitans, when Gari- 
baldi, after an obstinate conflict, repulsed the enemy with 
great loss : but the main body of the Romans, under Ros- 
culi, not coming up in time, the army of Bomba was able 
to effect its retreat — the King leading the way. 

The Spanish force gave very little uneasiness to the 



FOURTH LECTURE. 95 

republicans : hearing of the reception given to their allies, 
General Cordova remained at a respectful distance from 
the scene of action. 

The Roman army was recalled in haste immediately 
after the affair of Velletri, considerable reinforcements 
having been received by Oudinot. We have now to re- 
mark one of the grossest breaches of good faith ever com- 
mitted by any person, whether a public or a private man. 
By an arrangement entered into between the Roman and 
the French Generals, an armistice existed, which pre- 
cluded the resumption of hostilities prior to the 4th of 
June. On the night between the 2nd and 3rd of that 
month Oudinot attacked the Romans with all his army, 
directing his principal efforts against the Villa Pamfili, 
(a very important position, about half a mile distant from 
Rome, outside the Porta St. Pancrazio,) which was occu- 
pied by a battalion under the command of Colonel Ma- 
nara. Although taken by surprise, relying perfectly on 
the sanctity of an armistice, the Italian republicans made 
a resolute defence ; but being eventually overcome by the 
great numerical superiority of their assailants, they were 
driven back with a heavy loss to the villa called "the Four 
Winds," (i quatio venti) half way between the Villa Pam- 
fili and the city. In the mean time the alarm was given 
in Rome, where the citizens were sleeping tranquilly under 
the security of a truce. At day-break the French vigor- 
ously attacked the quatro venti, and drove, out the batta- 
lion of Manara, but Garibaldi having come up with rein- 
forcements, retook the position from the French. The 
battle was general throughout the line— several villas were 
alternately taken and lost. The famous Cassino dei quatro 
venti was taken and retaken at the point of the bayonet 
four times. When it was in the possession of the French 
the Roman cannon played upon it — when the Romans had 
re-taken it, the French Artillery cannonaded it — so that 



96 FOURTH LECTURE. 

the building presented a curious spectacle at the end of 
the day, the walls being literally riddled. 

This obstinate and sanguinary battle which commenced 
at 2 A. M. lasted till dark (about 18 hours) without a mo- 
ments cessation. The French at night were in possession 
of the quatro venti — but the Romans kept the Vasullo, 
and most of the other important positions outside the 
walls. From the 3rd of June till the end of the siege 
the French artillery every day played upon these villas. 

The details of the engagements which constantly oc- 
curred between the French and Roman troops would be 
tedious for a lecture — in a few words I may explain that 
the former pushed on their approaches by day and by 
night, while the latter threw in their way every imagina- 
ble obstacle. 

Some steps were taken in Paris by the friends of ci- 
vilization and justice, to make a peaceful demonstration 
to the chamber upon the subject of the Roman expedition ; 
but the feeling of military honor was aroused in the na- 
tion, and the participators in this procession were punished 
by imprisonment, transportation or banishment. Lesseps, 
who had been sent from Paris to Rome as plenipotentiary, 
and who had candidly informed his government of the real 
state of public opinion in Italy, was recalled and disgraced. 
He has since published some facts which have greatly en- 
lightened the world respecting the Roman question. The 
attachment of the citizens to the republican form of go- 
vernment was not confined to the city of Rome, but per- 
vaded the entire state. The efforts of a few reactionary 
papists, and of the priests, to create discontent and confu- 
sion, totally failed. The country people saw that their 
interests and well being met with attention from the new 
government — that the taxes most heavily weighing upon 
the poor were rescinded — that the vexatious police regu- 
lations were annulled — and that measures were taken to 



FOURTH LECTURE. 97 

procure gratuitous education for those who chose to 
profit by it. 

On the night of the 21st of June a Prussian, who 
served among the Romans, deserted to the French, through 
a low sally gate where he was on duty, and conducted in 
the besiegers by the same way. Scarcely was it discover, 
ed that he had left his post, before the picket on duty was 
surprised by the enemy who had entered within the forti- 
fication. The French planted some pieces of cannon in 
a commanding positionpoin, ting them along the ramparts. 
Desperate efforts were made to dislodge the intruders, but 
without success — however, the houses near at hand were 
loop-holed, barricades were made all around the spot 
where they had obtained a footing, and their further ingress 
was prevented. Thus a contest was at the same time 
raging both within and without the walls. 

At length the approaches of the invaders were com- 
pleted, and on the third of July they became masters of 
the city up to the Tiber. On the fourth — all military re- 
sistance having already ceased — the representatives of the 
nation, considering that the sacred cause of the people 
could not be lost by the mere taking of the city of Rome, 
decreed that the citizens Giuseppe Mazzini, Aurelio Saffi, 
and Mattea Montecchi should remain depositaries of the 
national interests, with extraordinary powers to raise loans 
or troops, and to take such other measures as circum- 
stances might dictate to them to adopt — with power like- 
wise to add to their number, and to call together the re- 
presentatives of the people at any time or place. On the 
fifth of July the constituent Assembly was closed by or- 
der of the French General. A protest against this act of 
violence was presented to the officer, and as it has been 
published in several European papers. The members of 
the republican government, nearly all of the constituent 



98 FOURTH LECTURE. 

Assembly and the principal officers retired to Switzerland, 
Piedmont, or adjacent states. 

The conduct of the republican government was par- 
ticularly deserving of notice in regard to their administra- 
tion of the public finances. Not one cent was appropri- 
ated even to furnish the patriots with the means of retir- 
ing into exile — they preferred to let the contents of the 
treasury fall into the hands of the invaders, rather than to 
allow their enemies to have the satisfaction of accusing 
them of having applied any portion to their private use. 
The behavior of the citizens was not less remarkable than 
that of the constituent Assembly, for when the Cardinals 
or their allies appeared, they were received with silence 
and contempt. All intercourse was (and yet is) suspend- 
ed between the French and the inhabitants, except a few 
of the popish aristocracy. The Romans, since the en- 
trance of the French into their city, have not done them- 
selves less honor than they did during the siege. 

When the city itself was no longer tenable, Garibaldi, 
with about 4000 men, quitted Rome, and endeavored to 
make his way to Venice. Followed and harassed by the 
enemy, after marching through Tuscany and the moun- 
tains of the Appenines, he reached the Adriatic, and on 
the 2nd of August, 1849, embarked in a few fishing boats 
with a handful of companions, the remant of his force, 
which was dwindled down to about 300 men. They hoped 
to elude the Austrian squadron blockading Venice, but the 
attempt did not succeed. The boats got scattered during 
the night, when being pursued by the Austrian fleet, part 
was captured, and part regained the shore. Among the 
latter was Garibaldi, who traversed the Roman provinces, 
some portion of the other states, and reached at length the 
western coast of Italy. On entering Piedmont (his native 
province) he imagined that he was secure from persecu- 
tion — but he was mistaken, for he was treated as a prison- 



FOURTH LECTURE. 99 

er of state by that very government at whose invitation 
he had been armed against Austria ! From Genoa he was 
sent to Tunis ; but so enterprising an enemy in the vi- 
cinity of the French possessions in Algiers, could not fail 
to cause alarm to the Prince President, therefore diplo- 
matic intrigue prevented his landing. He consequently 
returned to Sardinia, and remained at the little island of 
Sa Margarita till he could get to Tangiers, and thence to 
the United States, 

Among those who embarked in the same boat with 
Garibaldi at Cesenatico, were Ciceroacchio, and the priest 
Ugo Bassi. This excellent man, who was chaplain to 
Garibaldi, was taken prisoner by the Croats on the 4th of 
August in the neighborhood of Eavenna, and thence was 
conducted to Bologna. He was immediately sentenced 
to be shot; but the government of the Pope interfered 
alledging that being a priest he could not be executed till 
he had been desecrated. The desecration therefore took 
place on the 7th of August at the hands of the priests, 
by scalping the crown of the head, where the tonsure is — 
the forehead where the cross is marked with holy oil upon 
the ceremony of ordination — and the skin of his hands 
which have also been anointed with oil, and have touched 
the Host in the administration of the mass. In this state 
he was delivered again to the military and was shot on 
the morning of the 8th of August, 1849. The populace 
rushed to the spot where he fell, and dipped handkerchiefs 
in his blood, to treasure up as that of a saint whose mur- 
der they will avenge. His name is never mentioned but 
as " the Martyr Ugo Bassi" If an exemplification were 
required to demonstrate how much the papal tyranny sur- 
passes any other despotism in cruelty, we here find an il- 
lustration — the Croats kill — but the Cardinals first torture 
their victims. 

One of the first acts of Oudinot in Rome, was to es- 



100 FOURTH LECTURE. 

tablish a triumvirate of three Cardinals, to act in the name 
of his Holiness, till Pio should return from Gaeta, which 
he had pledged himself to do so soon as the republic 
should be extinguished. However, after the government 
of the people had been expelled, the journey of his Holi- 
ness was delayed under various pretexts- — especially 
through that of the financial embarrassment. A loan of 
considerable amount became the only condition under 
which the Pope could be induced to return — and to avoid 
the insult towards the French, which his refusal to enter 
Rome while they were there, would have inflicted, and 
the serious consequences of such an act, Rothschild 
negotiated the bonds of his Holiness at the instance of 
the French government, payable in three installments — 
the first of which was to be advanced to Pio IX pre- 
vious to his leaving the kingdom of Naples. 

I am unable to explain how it happened, but after 
this first portion of the loan had found its way into the 
hands of the Cardinals, it disappeared, without the trea- 
sury of the State being any the richer. The Pope then 
wanted more money before he would leave his friend the 
King of Naples*; but as he had, already received the sti- 
pulated price by anticipation, the patience of the French 
began to evaporate, and, much against his inclination, 
he was brought to Rome on the 12th of April, 1850. 
The deportment of the people was admirable — no insults 
— no tumults — but a gloomy silence. Surrounded by 
his guards and chief officers, as he in state entered the 
gate of the city, a reproachful address from the people 
was given into his hands, and the individual who present- 
ed it instantly disappeared. This cutting rebuke for his 
blood-thirsty deeds has been published in many periodi- 
cals. It begins " Rejoice, Oh Pope ! Thou art in Rome. 
Thou art King." &c. The return of Pio to Rome was 
hailed by the reactionary press of Europe as a triumph — 



FOURTH LECTURE. 101 

but. like their other triumphs, it has served to make the 
priests even more odious than they previously were. The 
people see — and feel — that since the return of his Holi- 
ness, things proceed from bad to worse. 

One of the calumnies invented to excuse the French 
intervention, was, that the Romans desired the restoration 
of the Pope, but that a band of foreigners prevented the 
faithful subjects of Pio from exercising their own free will. 
Yet since the French (themselves foreigners) have expelled 
from the city all Italians not actually born within the 
walls of Rome, even sending to their respective parishes 
those who came from the surrounding villages ; and have 
thinned the remaining population by executions and im- 
prisonments, while numbers have fled to avoid these per- 
secutions — the state of public feeling instead of being 
more reconciled to, is daily becoming more averse to Po- 
pery. The quadruple intervention is a tree producing 
very bitter fruit, which those who have reared it must 
swallow. It was undertaken to eradicate republicanism 
from the breasts of the Italians, where it has made it take 
a firmer hold than ever. The suffering of individuals may 
be considerable — but the advantage to the cause will be 
great — for that love of liberty and that hatred of Popery 
which before were but general, are now become universal. 

It is calculated that there is scarcely a family composed 
of five persons in the Roman States, one of whose mem- 
bers is not either banished — in prison — or killed. In Na- 
ples there are 40,000 political prisoners. In all parts of 
of the peninsula there have been persecutions and execu- 
executious which have swelled the loss of life to an incredi- 
ble amount. Those killed in battle were many, but they 
form only a small item when compared to the crowd of 
inoffensive citizens who have fallen under the unbridled 
license given to the tools of despotism — as at Bresica, 
Messina, Naples, &c. of which loss precise estimate will, 

9* 



102 FOURTH LECTURE. 

in all probability, never be obtained — besides many others 
who have perished in exile— or have lost their health or 
their reason in solitary confinement. When will these 
atrocities have an end 1 . Only when the state of Europe 
may permit the Italian patriots to make an appeal to. arms ; 
when the condition of neighboring states shall be such as 
to impede the formation of another coalition in favor of 
a Pope. One single enemy could not prevail against the 
forces which Italy could bring into tha field — but four 
powers combined are more than Italy, single-handed, can 
contend against. As to appealing to justice, that was 
done in 1846, 1847, 1848, 1849. ' It failed then: nor can 
I discover a solitary instance in which the people have 
gained any good, or have wrested any privileges from ty- 
rants by a mere appeal to justice and humanity, unbacked 
by force. When the people call aloud " civilization " and 
"progress," the Kings reply "order" — "obedience." 
As for justice, that sides with the strongest. 

The Papal authority, reinstated by the French, annulled 
all regulations favorable to civil and religious liberty — or 
to the amelioration of the condition of the working 
classes — to education or to civilization in general. The 
oppressive taxes which had been rescinded by the repub- 
lican government, were rigorously collected by the Pope's 
agents. The property of all the members of the repub- 
lican government — of the Assembly — and of the officers 
of any note, were confiscated — the obligations of the re- 
public were repudiated — the Inquisition was re-established 
and filled with victims. So numerous are the priestly per- 
secutions that it has become necessary to fit up branch es- 
tablishments of the Holy Office. Vexatious police regu- 
lations — domiciliary visits — imprisonments and executions 
since the 6th of July, 1849, have been constant occurrences : 
all which, in a few months, have dealt more fatal blows 



FOURTH LECTURE. 103 

to Popery, than years of the most active liberal propa- 
ganda could have done. 

In September, 1849, his Holiness— stung to the quick 
by the attacks of the liberal secret press, issued his edict 
respecting printers and types. But the work continued — 
is now continuing — and will in future continue, through 
all obstacles, from whatever quarter they may come. This 
winter Pio has offered a reward of $2000 for the convic- 
tion of any person concerned with the clandestine press — 
but bribery has had no better success than violence, and 
has proved that the Italian republicans are not to be cor- 
rupted by gold, more than they are to be exterminated 
by steel. 

The persecution directed against Mazzini was of the 
most bitter kind. Denied by the Piedmontese govern- 
ment permission to remain in Genoa, his native city, he 
retired to Switzerland, where a royalist agent named Vi- 
setta, but- nicknamed Paschetta, was commissioned to rid 
the Kings of their uncompromising adversary, and jesuiti- 
cally to throw the odium of the deed upon the republicans, 
as if it had been an act of party vengeance. To carry 
out this royal project, in the month of January, 1850, Pas- 
chetta addressed himself to two Italian refugees in distress, 
offering them money. They caused him to be arrested 
and imprisoned in Geneva. Upon his person were found 
documents sufficient to connect a certain royal government 
with this projected murder ; but the hired assassin could 
not be legally convicted, because the crime was merely in 
contemplation, and had not received a commencement of 
execution. By this legal quibble Visetta escaped punish- 
ment, and was allowed to retire to Turin. 

Some semblance of a constitution being yet in exist- 
ence in Piedmont after the fall of Rome, some of the re- 
fugees were able to remain in that kingdom, and their in- 
tercourse with the inhabitants helped to ripen the anti- 



104 FOURTH LECTURE. 

papal feeling. The King Victor Emanuel, son of Charles 
Albert, opposed this anti-papal feeling, so long as he could 
with prudence do so. Finding however, that it was not 
only general in his own state, but was gaining intensity 
throughout Italy, his next plan was to turn it into political 
capital for his own purposes. From this cause sprang the 
famous Legge Siccardi, by which the Popish priesthood 
was made amenable to the ordinary civil tribunals in cases 
of infractions of the criminal laws. His Holiness, how- 
ever, loudly protested against the arraigning of a priest 
before a court of justice even in cases of murder — and is 
yet quarrelling with the King of Sardinia for striving to 
uphold the Popish doctrine by simply abandoning (for a 
time) the most revolting and unpopular of the clerical 
privileges. With the people the Legge Siccardi is ac- 
cepted as an instalment only — they have been victimized 
too recently by the jugglery of royal reforms — the recol- 
lections of 1846, 1847, 1848 and 1849, are yet fresh in 
their memory. 

A change in the political situation of Italy must at 
any time be a vary serious matter, not only there, but 
likewise in its bearings upon the rest of Europe : when, 
however, we consider that Rome itself (the strong-hold and 
the capital of Popery) is, in a religious sense, in a state 
of transition, the immense importance of this movement 
to the whole world must become palpable. The address 
of the Roman People's Club to Pio IX in the spring of 
1849, composed, as all such pieces are, by the working 
men themselves, is an extraordinary document — it is enti- 
tled to additional interest when we consider the quarter 
whence it emanated, and it demands the most profound 
attention of anti-papal communities. This document was 
published by the American and Foreign Christian Union 
in their magazine of January, 1850, and I am not able to 



FOURTH LECTURE. 105 

describe my astonishment and chagrine at not finding a 
response from all opponents of Popery in America. 

Where in this emergency are the Protestant pastors? 
If they desire the destruction of Popery, why do they not 
seize this most propitious occasion'? Is the zeal of the 
Pilgrims sunk into apathy — or is the aversion to Popery, 
which formerly existed among the Puritans, now turned 
into sympathy? Will those who formerly protested 
against Popery, now protest against the revolutionists who 
strive to overthrow their enemy % The Christian Union 
executive committee issued an address to their brethren 
12th of April, 1850, calling upon them " speedily to em- 
brace this opening," warning them that otherwise "Italy 
would be rescued from the grasp of Popery, only to fall 
into the jaws of infidelity." The young men of Boston 
formed a society for the purpose of aiding in this under- 
taking. Their address, issued November 20 f 1850, has 
been published and generally distributed. Yet the preach- 
ers' meeting return the following reply to the request for 
anti-papal^ moral and religious tracts for distribution in 
Italy,— 

" New- York, January 16, 1850. 

" Resolved, That while we would express no opinion 
unfavorable to the case in which Col. Forbes is engaged, 
nor interfere with the right of any member of this meet- 
ing to co-operate with him, yet, as a meeting, we think it 
best to recommend no specific mode of action. 

"M. D. Crawford, SecY" 

Is the Italian question to be likened to a magnet hav- 
ing two poles — the one being political attraction, and the 
other dogmatic repulsion — and with some of the anti-papal 
clergy, is the political attraction stronger than the repul- 
sion upon religious principles ? All those who embark on 
board of a rotten craft, or cling on to the tackle, will go to 
the bottom with her — nor will they receive much pity 



106 FOURTH LECTURE. 

for the consequences of their obstinacy and infatuation. 
I have read (14 Levit.) that when the plague is in a house 
it should be cleansed, and the walls scraped ; and that if 
afterwards the plague should return, then the house should 
be pulled down — the beams, mortar, bricks, &c. should be 
cast out into an unclean place outside the city, and 

ANOTHER HOUSE SHOULD BE BUILT WITH FRESH MATERIALS. 

So it was in the late movement in Italy — the State was 
cleansed and scraped of Popish impurities — but the Pope 
has returned — therefore the course for the Italians to fol- 
low is very plain. 

Having endeavored to give you some correct notion 
of the origin and progress of the revolution in Italy — also 
of the events which attended its momentary suppression, 
I will now call your attention to the present position, and 
to the prospects of the cause. 

Convinced of the necessity of. confiding the national 
regeneration to the energies of a patriotic executive, in- 
stead of relying upon treacherous or imbecile Princes and 
nobles ; the representatives of the people in the parlia- 
ments of Venice and Sicily, besides the principal military 
commanders of tke patriots, have subscribed their names 
to the decree of the Roman constituent Assembly, dated 
the 4th of July, 1849, (a day which will be henceforth re- 
markable in Italy as well as in the United States,) confer- 
ing the executive upon Mazzini, Safn and Montecchi, to 
whom have been added Salicetti and Sistori — with Agos- 
tini as secretary. In virtue of the authority conferred 
upon them, and considering the signs of the times to be 
such as to warrant the opinion, that the moment for ac- 
tion cannot be far distant, and may present itself sud- 
denly — and considering that it would be highly reprehen- 
sible in them, were they to allow that moment to come 
upon them while the liberal party should be unprepared, 
they have issued a patriotic loan of ten millions of francs, 



FOURTH LECTURE. 



107 



that they may not he without pecuniary means during the 
first shock of the approaching tempest. This loan has 
been taken up with avidity, not merely in Italy, but like- 
wise in other countries — thus the active sympathy of all 
civilized European nations has been shown. The moral 
effect of this is very powerful — the tyrants of the present 
day have difficulty in raising money, even at a ruinous sa- 
crifice — while the Italian national loan has been speedily 
negotiated at par, without any effort on the part of the 
patriots beyond the announcement of its emission. The 
despots of Europe are aware of the activity of the Ita- 
lian committee — though they are in profound ignorance 
as to their plans of operation. The despots of Europe, 
who pretend to be strong, tremble at a handful of exiles. 
What means of repression do these despots really 
possess 1 Let us first consider Austria, which has a popu- 
lation of about thirty-six millions ; of which number about 
6,500,000 are Italians ; and at least twelve millions more 
of Hungarians, Poles, &c. engaged in the insurrection and 
who are yet hostile to the imperial sway. In Bohemia 
and in Vienna itself we have seen revolutions in 1848 — 
the discontent which is great even to-day, goes on in- 
creasing, and explosions may occur at any moment. The 
situation of her finances are deplorable— bankruptcy 
stares her in the face — the imperial government appears 
to be indifferent to it. But though the morality of the 
court does not blush at such a method of wiping off its 
debts, the effect upon the existing relations of society in 
such a catastrophe must be tremendous. The amount 
of troops, which her internal and external position oblige 
her to keep up, exceeds 500,000 men — a portion of which 
she quarters on her neighbors, either in the Roman provinces 
or in the German States — thus temporarily relieving her 
own exchequer, though she, by the same act, creates a fresh 
difficulty, by increasing the exasperation of the inhabitants 



108 FOURTH LECTURE. 

of the districts thus overburdened. At the least compu- 
tation one-third of the Austrian troops are Italians, Poles 
or Hungarians — of whom few (if any) would not seize 
the first favorable opportunity to obtain their respective 
nationalities. The power of Austria lies not in her own 
strength or energy, but in the borrowed bayonets of 
Russia. 

The empire of Russia is not in so disorganized a condi- 
tion as Austria. The finances, though not very flourishing, 
are not in a desperate state — nevertheless it is impossible 
that the autocrat can maintain the million of soldiers now 
under arms, unless he obtain resources out of the empire. 
The revolutions of Russia are generally confined to the 
strangling of one emperor to substitute another — in which 
court intrigues, the sixty-five millions of plebians take 
but little interest — the internal system does not change, 
nor do the external relations essentially alter in conse- 
quence of such events. In the Polish provinces, how- 
ever, there is a probability that on the first great Euro- 
pean movement, the Russian troops would have plenty of 
employment in that quarter, without going either to Hun- 
gary or to Italy "to seek adventures. 

An element from which the despotic reaction calculates 
upon receiving very effectual support, is the sympathy of 
the severel crowned heads and courts of Europe. These 
having the management of their several states, can, and 
do lend powerful aid to the Emperors of Austria and 
Russia, even when pretending to be at variance with them. 
Another prop to the cause of King-craft exists in the di- 
plomacy of Lord Palmerston, which vacillating between 
its fear of republicanism and of Russianism, alternately 
domineers over and betrays the former, while it strives to 
appease the voracity of the latter by sacrificing whole 
states, as in Italy, Holstein, Cassel, Cracow, &c. 

The position of France in Italy is peculiarly embar- 



FOURTH LECTURE. 109 

rassing to the French government, and threatening to the 
peace of Europe. The French had some trouble in gain- 
ing a footing within the eternal city : since then the posi- 
tion of their troops there has been, and will continue to 
be intolerable; but the great difficulty has to come. 

HOW ARE THE FRENCH TO LEAVE ROME % The DAY OF 
DEPARTURE MUST COME. THEN, WHAT WILL HAPPEN 1 ? If 

they should be driven out, will it be by the population of 
Rome ? or by the Austrians 1 If the French should vo- 
luntarily retire, what will become of the Pope ? Will 
they take him with them, or will they leave his Holiness 
to be dealt with by the Romans according to his deserts ? 
Will Pio attempt to run away again ? and will the Aus- 
trians attempt to replace the present army of occupation 
in Rome should that retire % And what would be the re- 
sult of such an indignity to a nation so tenacious as the 
French of its military renown 1 History does not present 
one alliance between France and Austria, which has not 
produced some fatal catastrophe. I can discern but one 
way by which the French nation can with dignity to itself 
get out of the Roman difficulty, viz : That the people of 
France declaring the intervention to have been the work 
of a reactionist faction, order their legions to make a tardy 
amends to the Italians by marching against the Austrians. 
If the French cannot make this sacrifice, then let them at 
least withdraw their army, and protest against the coalition 
interfering in the internal affairs of the Roman Republic. 
Under the misrule of the Popish reaction Italy is get- 
ting into a condition of indescribable confusion — but it is 
to be hoped that no partial insurrections will prematurely 
occur. That fruit which is plucked before its time, is sour, 
whereas if it had been permitted to come to maturity it 
would have been sweet. When an apple is ripe it will 
fall on the first breeze, from whatever quarter it may blow ; 
whether the tempest arise from the elections in France, 
10 



110 FOURTH LECTU.E-E. 

or from some unforseen cause in Germany or elsewhere. 
The whole of Continental Europe is a volcano, which may 
explode at any moment — when that time shall arrive, 
that very dangerous interregnum which succeeds the over 
throw of an old government, previous to the establish 
ment of a new one' will be avoided in Italy. The consti- 
tuent Assembly at Rome has voted the constitution— the 
elections by universal suffrage have already taken place, 
and the representatives of the people, though to-day in 
exile, are ready to re-appear at their posts on the first 
summons. 

Both the patriots and the despots have their elements 
of strength, as they likewise have their weak points — 
whether the struggle re-commence speedily, or be yet de- 
ferred for a season, is dependent on a variety of circum- 
stances. In the mean time the popular cause is gaining 
vigor every day, and that spirit of progress which nothing 
can extinguish is awakened among the nations. 

I must, on closing this course of lectures, thank the 
ladies and gentlemen for their patience in listening to my 
explanations. I am very sorry that such important topics 
should not have fallen into more efficient hands. The only 
excuse for my presuming to present the matter to the 
American public is, that I was in Italy during these occur- 
rences, and am therefore more familiar with the subject 
than persons could be who were not upon the spot. 



(Note, page 105.) 

THE BOSTON YOUNG MEn's ADDRESS CLOSES THUS! 

"Although we, as American freemen, most cordially sympathise, with the 
Italian patriots in their hopes of obtaining freedom and national independence, 
nevertheless, our society does not contemplate any direct action in that matter, 
but intends to limit itself to the simple propagandist operations. 

" We warmly invite our fellow countrymen of ALL DENOMINATIONS, to 
rally round the BROAD PRINCIPLE OF LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE, 
and to form similar societies in their respective cities and towns, that we may 
all co-operate in this GREAT AND SACRED CAUSE/' 



A FEW WORDS 



ON 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM, 

Addressed to the Boston Young Men's Society in aid of Italy, and published 
for distribution by that Association. 



■ W- 



Boston, December 2, 1850. 

In my endeavors to bring the Italian cause under 
the notice of the citizens of the United States of 
America, I have experienced several difficulties. Of 
course I anticipated that impediments would be 
thrown in my way by the Jesuits, through the innu- 
merable channels at their disposition. I expected, 
however, that the anti-papal feeling of the New 
Englanders would more than compensate me for 
any Papal hatred: just as I hoped that the popular 
sympathy in favor of all oppressed European libe- 
rals would reduce to insignificance any conservative 
opposition. But I find that the organs of our ene- 
mies continue to keep the public misinformed, and 
to produce so much doubt respecting the recent 
European revolutions, that many sincere friends of 
freedom remain inactive in consequence of these 
conflicting statements ; while others are discouraged 
through the erroneous belief that all hope for liber- 
ty is lost. So far, however, from the cause of civil 
and religious liberty being lost, it stands to-day upon 



2 A FEW WOKDS ON 

a surer basis than it did in 1847; whereas the finan- 
cial and other embarrassments which surround Po- 
pery and Despotism increase daily, and render their 
ultimate success nearly hopeless. Neither let it be 
supposed that, because Italy is a long way off, what 
occurs there cannot operate upon the public here. 
Italy — that country which formerly spread civili- 
zation over the known world — is, geographically 
speaking, a long way off; but popish influence is 

IN YOUR YERY MIDST POPISH INFLUENCE WHICH IS AL- 
LIED WITH DESPOTISM FOR YOUR RUIN ! 

The intimate alliance between Popery and Des- 
potism is palpably evident from the simple fact, that 
all despots, notwithstanding the discrepancy of their 
religious creeds, unite in upholding the Pope by 
force and by intrigue. It is evident, moreover, from 
Popish bulls and other documents, that his Holiness 
looks to the despotic potentates for physical-force 
protection. For example : in his encyclical of 25th 
May, 1844, the prelates are directed to apply to the 
princes for assistance in suppressing instruction, 

" BECAUSE IT CANNOT HAVE ESCAPED THEIR (the princes') 
WISDOM, THAT IT IS HIGHLY TO THE INTEREST OF THE 
COMMON WEAL ;" SUlCe, " FROM THE UNIVERSAL LIBERTY 
OF CONSCIENCE, THE POLITICAL LIBERTY OF ITALY WILL 
ALSO SPONTANEOUSLY FOLLOW." 

Popery, which has daily need of the sword of 
Despotism to exterminate its adversaries, repays its 
powerful protector with the use of its spiritual in- 
fluence over the minds of the ignorant. These two 
enemies of mankind have but one common soul — 
one common interest — one common hate against 
everything that is noble, generous, or good. Their 
scattered members, large and small, in every quar- 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 3 

ter of the globe, are linked together with what 
Byron so appropriately calls " dirty diplomatic 
quills" 

The third article of the secret treaty of Verona, 
22nd October, 1822, bears directly on the alliance 
between Popery and Despotism, and runs thus: — 
'"The contracting powers offer their common thanks 
to the Pope for all that he has, till now, done in 
favor of their cause ; and they solicit his constant 
cooperation in their design of subduing the na- 
TIONS." Will the declaration of their intentions be 
considered as a fact sufficiently startling to awaken 
mankind? or will the nations not yet "subdued" 
continue to slumber, and quietly to allow these spi- 
ders to weave a web around them, out of which, 
when once completed, they will have no chance of 
escape — no more than a miserable fly ? 

As man cultivates the fruits of the earth which 
are necessary for his subsistence, so Despotism and 
Popery, with untiring zeal, propagate ignorance, su- 
perstition, and vice — racking their brains to devise 
fresh expedients to prolong the existence of these 
their essential elements. All the offspring of these 
two monsters fraternize cordially ; for the sons of 
darkness, of all climes and languages, know that 
they have one common bond of union. Have not 
the children of Light a common brotherhood ? or 
does fellow-feeling only belong to tyrants ? In 1847 
that mortal struggle commenced, in which, light 
eventually must illuminate darkness, or darkness will 
extinguish light — not in Italy only, but all the world 
over. The cause of the Italian patriots is, there- 
fore, THAT OF THE ENTIRE CIVILIZED WORLD. 

The great revolution in England, which com- 



4 A FEW WORDS ON 

menced under the auspices of Hampden, prospered 
so long as Papists and nobles were excluded from 
power. The germ of liberty was thence car- 
ried to North America by the Puritans, and there 
flourished ; because the popish and royalist elements 
were too insignificant to produce any baneful con- 
sequences. Thence the seeds were conveyed to 
France, where they withered so soon as Jesuit in- 
fluence (like a wolf in sheep's clothing) was per- 
mitted to creep in. The original object of the revo- 
lution was then lost sight of; and the struggle which 
ought to have been a war of opinions, was diverted 
from its proper course into a contest of nations ; by 
which means the neighboring populations, which 
would have sympathized with, were alienated from 
the French, and the ancient abuses were eventually 
restored. Had the nationality of Italy, instead of 
its subjugation, been attempted, those disasters, 
which subsequently overwhelmed France and the 
rest of continental Europe, would have been avoided. 
The French revolution of 1830 failed because it 
was left in the .hands of a prince, who, with the co- 
operation of the Popish priesthood, soon misdirected 
the current into its old channel. The determination 
of attacking Popery, the enemy of civilization, in its 
stronghold, Rome, has only been thought of in the 
last revolution ; and till this vampire be destroyed, 
no permanent good can be effected. Italy, there- 
fore, is the field upon which the liberties of the 
world must be gained or lost. To aid them in this 
task the Italians hope to receive the active fraternal 
sympathy of all philanthropists — not as a charity, 
nor as a right, but in the name of civilization and 
liberty, that such a sacred cause may not be periled. 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM, 5 

Popery is styled a religion; but it does not de- 
serve that appellation— it is, literally speaking, a 

POLITICAL ENGINE, BY WHICH BAD MEN HOPE TO OBTAIN DO- 
MINION. Under the cloak of religion, and protected 
by the bayonets of the despots, Popery operates like 
an immense secret society ; but it is more terrible 
than any other, since its members blindly obey the 
orders of their chief, whether dictated by ambition, 
cupidity, revenge, or lust. In other secret societies 
the motives for action, and the plans of operation, 
are the result of deliberation among the members, 
and secrecy is not kept up within the circle of the 
society itself. 

Though the religious dogmas of Popery are the 
most ridiculous of all superstitions, both ancient and 
modern, j^et I do not desire to awaken religious fana- 
ticism against the Papists, or to interfere with liber- 
ty of conscience. Such simpletons as allow them- 
selves to be cheated out of their pence by an old 
man in petticoats, who blasphemously presumes to 
call himself the representative of God on earth, de- 
serve neither public protection nor private pity. 
But when this old man turns out to be the tool of 
certain despots, enemies of the State, then it is time 
to take up the matter ; not as a question of con- 
science, but of public safety. 

Let priests freely preach, and fools as freely 
believe that the Pope has the keys of Heaven. But 
when upon the strength of these pretended keys, im- 
pious men, whose consciences lie in their purses, for- 
give crimes, and even sell indulgences by anticipa- 
tion — when they inculcate that it is not only justifi- 
able, but even commendable to break faith with and 
to exterminate all who are not of their sect ; thus 



6 A FEW WORDS ON 

compassing the destruction of their neighbors, and 
making a market of vice — then it is time to look out 
for one's pockets and one's throat. 

If a set of men like to live secluded, by all means 
let them do so. But when they encourage idleness in 
others, live upon the earnings of the poor, or build 
seraglios wherein to entice young women of beauty 
or of property, then it becomes a matter of public in- 
terest. If a man likes to confide to another all his own 
thoughts words or deeds, let him do so — but if he 
pries into his neighbors' affairs, and acts as a poli- 
tical spy for the priest, then that man becomes a 
public nuisance. If a man be such a ninny as to 
allow his wife once a week or oftener to have a cozy 
Ute-a-Ute with a young priest (or an old one either) 
that is the husband's business — the more fool he. But 
when young women are thus closeted and question- 
ed, that case affects the State, because that which 
was pure may thus become polluted, and then be 
palmed off upon the public. 

One of the soporifics which have contributed to 
lull to sleep good people both in America and in 
England, is the falsehood so industriously circulated 
by the Jesuits, that Popery is totally changed from 
what it used to be ; and that it is not now that san- 
guinary monster which it formerly was. Be not de- 
ceived. Popery cannot alter, for when it does be- 
come changed it is no longer Popery. The only va- 
riation I have been able to discover between ancient 
and modern Popery, is its method of performing an 
auto-da-fe. Formerly the unfortunate victims used to 
be burned. Since public opinion (not the humanity 
of the priests) has now rendered such revolting 
spectacles impossible, it has been discovered that the 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 7 

inquisitors resorted to the secret and brutal alterna- 
tive of burying their prisoners alive, the head only- 
being left out of the ground. On the opening of the 
Inquisition at Rome, by order of the Triumvirate, dur- 
ing the days of the republic, rows of corpses of per- 
sons murdered in this manner were discovered. 

Archbishop Hughes, -of New-York, in his lecture, 
" The Church and the World," confesses that Popery 
has been at times, from prudential motives, " forced to 
lower her authoritative voice, and speak in gentler 
tones to those who still recognized her spiritual do- 
minion." The Pope in his letter to his nuncio at Vi- 
enna, in 1805, furnished mankind with a very plain 
example of the doctrine of expediency : treating of 
the right of persecution, he says, " we are arrived at 

TIMES SO CALAMITOUS AND SO HUMILIATING TO 
THE BRIDE OF CHRIST, THAT IT IS NEITHER POS- 
SIBLE NOR EXPEDIENT TO HAVE RECOURSE TO 
THOSE MOST SACRED MAXIMS, AND SHE MUST 
SUSPEND THE COURSE OF HER JUST SEVERITY 
AGAINST THE ENEMIES OF HER FAITH." 

Be assured that the pretended humility of the Je- 
suits is mere hypocrisy, to obtain a firmer footing in 
the country, which, if they once secure for themselves, 
they will crush all further opposition, and every- 
where extinguish Light and Freedom. Popery is 
anxiously watching for the earliest opportunity to 
perform over again all the scenes of the St. Bartho- 
lomew and of Smithfield : treacherously to blow up 
a Legislature : or to massacre its opponents una- 
wares, as in Ireland, when servants murdered their 
employers, and benefactors were butchered by those 
very persons whom they had befriended. 

Never forget the words of the Pope to Count 



8 A FEW WORDS ON 

Daun on the occasion of his victory at Hochstein* 
"The benediction of Heaven upon thee, who 
hast vanquished the wicked heretics — ex- 
terminate heresy at a blow — extirpate the 
infamous race of luther and calvin. the 
destroying angel will fight by thy side. 
May thy arm" (not the hand only but the entire arm,) 
"constantly smoke with the blood of these 
wretches. may the northern countries of 
Germany be subdued to the true Church by 
the sword — by fire — and by blood. " 

The attempt just made by the Pope, at the insti- 
gation of the despots, to disturb the internal tran- 
quility of Great Britain, is a fact which ought to 
arouse even the most apathetic and incredulous. His 
Holiness shows the nation that he has abandoned 
none of the arrogant claims of his predecessors. He 
casts the apple of discord into the midst of the peo- 
ple, in the hope thus to prepare the way for their de- 
struction — for no nation distracted by internal feuds 
can resist against external aggression. 

Let not Americans disregard this lesson, and go 
to sleep under the idea that there is no danger for 
themselves. In the year 1828 Frederick Schlegel, in 
a course of lectures delivered before the court and 
nobility of Vienna, demonstrated, that in as much as 
the reformed religion favors republicanism; so, on 
the contrary, Popery favors monarchy, and he added 
these words "The great hotbed of democratical prin- 
ciples which supplies France and the rest of Europe, 
is North America." Consequently the imperialcourt 
immediately organized the " Leopold Foundation " 
for the purpose of giving greater activity to the 
spread of Popery in the United States. This society 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 9 

was fully approved of by the Pope, in his Bull of 30th 
January, 1829, and was by him enriched (as usual) 
with indulgences, remission of sins, &c. &c. &c. 

The French Minister declared in 1825, that "the 
conversion of the Americans to Popery was of the 
greatest importance, not only on the score of religion, 

but MORE ON ACCOUNT OF THE POLITICAL POSITION OF 

Europe." Did not Lafayette warn you that if ever 
the liberties of America should be in danger, it would 
be in consequence of the spread of Popery among 
you? 

Bishop R&ze (papist) distinctly explained to an 
Italian gentleman, that as yet the papists were not 
strong enough in the United States to take power 
into their own hands, but that they were numerous 
enough to hold the balance between parties. That 
consequently the orders to all prelates from the Pope, 
and from the court of Austria, were for the present 
(and until they should be able to do more) merely to 
direct all their attention to the throwing of discre- 
dit in every possible manner upon liberal institu- 
tions. Cast your eyes towards the Austrian and 
Popish agents in France — men whose former trea- 
sons against the State have been generously forgiven 
by the too confiding nation — men who pretend to the 
exclusive possession of patriotism, intelligence, and 
honesty, though they are in fact acting in obedience 
to the orders of their country's enemies — men who 
have the impudence to avow in the national assem- 
bly their anxiety to behold an expedition to Rome 
enacted in Paris ! Does not the conduct of these 
artful royalists on the other side of the Atlantic, pre- 
cise]}- correspond with the confession made by Bishop 
Reze as to the Emperor's projects here? Yes ! when 



10 A FEW WORDS ON 

these Austro-jesuitical agents have dragged their na- 
tive country, France, completely into the mire, then 
indeed will be seen " the expedition to Rome per- 
formed over again in Paris " by hordes of barbarians 
who will subvert the government selected by the 
people, restore the exiled tyrant, devour the sub- 
stance of the land, and massacre its population. 
Just Retribution for the expedition aoainst Rome ! 

It may appear strange that England, from whence 
Popery was expelled in an incredibly short space of 
time, should find herself to-day in her present dis- 
agreeable predicament. Let us devote a few mo- 
ments to consider this subject. Henry VIII was not 
a man to be trifled with, and on embracing the Re- 
formation, he, without any hesitation, confiscated the 
whole of the possessions of the Popish Church, distri- 
buting the same among the clergy of the new church, 
and such persons of local influence as he hoped could 
draw the nation to his side. Besides this property, 
he likewise confiscated, and distributed among his 
own partizans, the estates of such of his subjects as 
refused to ackngwledge his supremacy in matters 
of religion. Like other royal reformers, his majesty, 
" Defender of the Faith" reformed as little as possible 
— barely enough to justify his turning out the Pope, 
and nominating himself head of the church — but the 
People derived some benefit from this commence- 
ment of improvement, and they subsequently (with- 
out the royal consent) presumed to advance further 
in the road of progress. Had the Irish confisca- 
tions been bestowed upon native Irish of influence 
in their several districts, Popery would in all proba- 
bility have been disposed of as effectually there as in 
England : but these lands having been stupidly and 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 11 

unjustly bestowed upon English courtiers, (absentees,) 
the native population looked upon them as invaders 
and oppressors ; the laity attacked the intruders in a 
political sense ; while the popish priests stirred up 
a religious fanaticism through all classes. This 
resistance has lasted for ages, and does not seem 
likely to be easily pacified. 

The new British church being wedded to the 
state, and being a legal necessity rather than a 
matter of conscience, naturally soon became cor- 
rupt. The two Universities of Oxford and Cam- 
bridge, intimately connected with the state church, 
instead of being purely and simply seats of learn- 
ing and of progress, became tory engines for the 
manufacture of retrogression. As I graduated at 
Oxford, I maybe allowed to express an opinion upon 
this subject ; but the discussion of the imperfec- 
tions in the Universities being long and out of place 
here, I shall merely observe, en passant, that nothing 
which has occurred in the Pusey and Popish mania 
occasioned me any astonishment, except the aban- 
donment of certain snug fellowships, which tempo- 
rary sacrifices, however, seem subsequently to have 
been amply indemnified. The unhealthy condition 
of the tory state church, and of the exclusive Univer- 
sities, naturally led them to follow in the wane of 
the Court and the Nobility, which have a natural 
tendency to favor Romanism, as being more nearly 
allied to absolutism — upon the same grounds as the 
imperial court sent the Leopold foundation to this 
country. There is, however, one circumstance which 
may put a bar to their completing this premeditated 
piece of iniquity, viz. the possession among them of 
sundry confiscated estates formerly belonging to ca- 
tholic proprietors, convents, or glebelands. 



12 A FEW WORDS ON 

• 

Another cause which has contributed to foster the 
Popish pretensions and power, is the improper mode 
in which the elective franchise is accorded to the 
people ; it being based upon a property instead of an 
educational test. Consequently, in Ireland, where 
the priests keep the peasantry in the greatest igno- 
rance, the popish pastors drive their flocks like sheep 
to the voting booths, there to record legally, not each 
man's own independent vote, but the pleasure of his 
Holiness, and of the foreign despots. In these cases 
oaths are of no value, since they are absolved by 
anticipation. But if reading and writing, instead 
of rent-paying, were to be made the qualification for 
voting at elections, then the popish priest would 
either lose his pocket full of votes, or he would be 
obliged to permit his flock to procure the so much 
dreaded educational qualification. Then a premium 
would be given for the extension of education, (which 
up to a certain point ought to be gratuitous,) while 
the baneful influence of these priestly agents of our 
enemies would be curtailed — a great good would be 
effected, and a great evil would be diminished. 

The development of the Popish crisis at this parti- 
cular juncture is due to the principle, (or rather the 
want of principle}) upon which the foreign policy of 
the nation has been conducted — provoking and threat- 
ening our enemies, without having the courage to act 
up to the menaces ; and then sacrificing the continen- 
tal liberal party, England's natural ally, because the 
aristocracy dread any change which may peril the 
safety of their god, mammon. Their great desidera- 
tum therefore is status quo ; and if forced to move, 
then they strive to retrograde rather than to advance. 
Lord Palmerston has, upon the main points, followed 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 13 

the usual policy of his class and of his predecessors 
in office. The whole privileged class, misled by ear- 
ly prejudices, and inflated by pride and riches, seems 
to be totally blind to the injury it is inflicting on the 
nation. 

The agitation which pervaded Italy previous to 
the death of Gregory XVI was the natural result of 
centuries of tyranny, and was not caused by the 
meddling of our foreign secretary. When he became 
aware of the state of things, he encouraged their de- 
velopement, little dreaming of the explosive nature 
of the materials he was handling ; and imagining 
(poor man !) that he could make use of the popular 
disaffection for his own purposes, and then check it 
at his pleasure. The people, however, had in view 
a nobler object than the gratification of the private 
pique of an outwitted diplomatist. The people plain- 
ly pronounced the word freedom. 

Had Lord Palmerston then understood the signs 
of the times — had not his aristocratic prejudices so 
completely obscured his vision as to prevent his ap- 
preciating the splendid position in which he was ac- 
cidentally placed — had he courageously and hu- 
manely held out to liberty a friendly hand, instead 
of a bundle of deceitful protocols, he would have 
earned the lasting gratitude of the human race. 
But he was unequal to this great work, and he soon 
deserted the popular camp to seek the more genial 
society of the oppressors. Through all the future 
phases which this struggle may assume, the past du- 
plicity of royalism, popery, and diplomacy, with the 
confidence of the people so basely betrayed, must al- 
ways be kept in mind. Despotism has demonstrated 
that it will be satisfied with nothing less than the 

2 



14 A FEW WORDS ON 

annihilation of its adversaries. Will any one dare 
to assert that self-preservation is not justifiable for 
the people ? 

The two great political parties to-day existing in 
Europe are the Liberals and the Anti-liberals. The 
former desire progress and civilization's can be seen 
by quoting the demands of the people, published in 
the Italia del Popolo of last March : " Nationality — 

FREEDOM — THE GENERAL GOOD OF ALL MANKIND 
— LIBERTY OF SPEECH AND OF CONSCIENCE — PRO- 
TECTION OF JUST LAWS, INSTEAD OF THE ARBI- 
TRARY CAPRICE OF AN USURPATION. We WILL SE- 
LECT FOR OUR RULERS THOSE CITIZENS THE MOST 
CONSPICUOUS FOR THEIR VIRTUES AND INTELLI- 
GENCE. We will have education for all — 

FOOD FOR THE MIND — BREAD FOR THE BODY— 
1 THAT THE WILL OF GOD BE DONE ON EARTH AS IT 

15 in heaven.' " On their banner they bear the motto: 
«< GOD AND THE PEOPLE." 

The other party assumes the appellation of Con- 
servatives — Lovers of order — Moderates ; names well 
suited to mask their real project, which is the op- 
pression of the people. This party was, eighteen 
hundred years ago, very much the same as it is to- 
day. We have all of us read about these conserva- 
tives figuratively described as a camel unable to get 
through the eye of a needle. Where they were then 
— there they are now — and there they always will 
be. This camel party, who stick on the wrong side 
of the needle, and like certain pharisees and hypo- 
crites " call good evil, and evil good ; who call light 
darkness, and darkness light," is subdivided into two 
factions, each of which hates the other, though they 
generally combine together against their common 
prey, the people. 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 15 

One of these factions is composed of the divine- 
right-absolutists, and includes the Pope, the despots, 
and a portion of the nobles, with their dependants. 
Their motto is " No concessions ;" and they are anx- 
ious to right while they stand on the vantage ground 
and hold the resources of the State in their hands. 
The chiefs of this faction are Nicholas, Haynau, 
Metternich, Schwartzenberg, and the Pope. His 
Holiness has declared, (speaking against the pro- 
gress of the age,) "We are aware that we have been 
placed here not only to deplore, but also to crush 
these evils." 

The other faction of Camels consist of a section 
of the nobles, together with a considerable portion 
of the more timid wealthy. These hoist the banner 
of constitutional monarchy ; partly in the expectation 
of seizing, for their own advantage, (not for the be- 
nefit of the people,) some of that power of which 
imperialism may be shorn: and partly in the hope of 
pacifying the popular voice at the sole expense of 
the absolutists. This faction is by far the most dan- 
gerous enemy to the popular cause ; because by a 
profusion of promises, (which are intended never to 
be fulfilled,) the friends of civilization are cajoled so 
as to let pass every favorable occasion for action. 
Palmerston may be considered as the European lea- 
der of this faction. His lordship's agent in Italy is 
Azeglio, minister to the King of Sardinia. His words 
may serve to explain the state of affairs in Piedmont, 
and the quarrel with the Pope, more clearly than 
any arguments I could use. He says : " I venerate 
Popery ; therefore my words, however harsh they 
may be, must not be considered as the expression of 
hatred from an enemy, but rather as the effusion of 



16 A FEW WORDS ON 

grief which rises within us for the fate of a friend 
who is obstinately bent upon his own ruin." From 
this it is evident that the Pope is acting the part of 
a spoiled child, who beats his nurse for preventing 
him from burning his fingers. 

Great Britain stood in 1848 in a more exalted situ- 
ation than she had occupied since the days of Crom- 
well. Each nation of Europe, except herself, was 
convulsed to the centre. She alone stood erect, hold- 
ing the destinies of the world in her hands. Without 
firing a shot — by the mere weight of her peaceful 
influence, the nations of the earth so long oppress- 
ed could have been made free, and future convulsions 
and bloodshed could have been avoided. When the 
fortune of war placed this power in the hands of Na- 
poleon, he turned it to his own ambitious purposes, 
and paid the penalty. When Palmerston, in 1848, 
could have effected this with peace, he threw away 
the golden opportunity — and he is now reaping his 
reward. His Lordship cared nothing about Civiliza- 
tion or Humanity — but troubled himself greatly 
about the shofck his order might sustain if democra- 
tic institutions should be successfully established in 
neighboring States. Frightened at ihe m giant of his 
own nursing, his Lordship summoned to assist in its 
destruction those very potentates against whom he 
but a few days previous had excited it. This giant — 
the People — assailed on all sides by its avowed ene- 
mies and by its pretended friends ; sickened by Jesu- 
itical intrigue at its heart, was eventually chained 
down. The despots rushed eagerly to destroy it. 
Stab after stab have they inflicted, but the terrible 
truth that it is not mortal is at length beginning to 
be manifest to them. 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 17 

How do the despots now treat their deliverer, 
Palmerston ? Just as such a person deserves to be 
treated ! They are concentrating all their energies' 
to destroy him, and they will succeed, unless he lean 
upon the people for support — unless he loose the 
bonds of this giant, and call on him to save him. 
No choice is now left his Lordship, but the selection 
between Russianism, or Liberalism. If he do not, 
with a good grace, embrace the latter, he will be de- 
voured by the forn&er ; for the coalition which Russia 
will create will be very different from that of Napo- 
leon ; into which league many of the Powers enter- 
ed unwillingly, whereas the former allies of Great 
Britain, betrayed by the Government, would now be 
its bitter foes. 

What are these dreams of Lord Palmerston, 
so ruinous for Great Britain — and so injurious to 
mankind ? Status quo ante '47 — the iniquitous trea- 
ties of 1815 — -a balance of power without equilibri- 
um — and trade at the price of Liberty and Honor. 
Let us look at his practical results ! Has he, during 
his somnambulism, secured the peace of the world? 
Quite the contrary ! Has he made Great Britain 
esteemed and respected by any party ? Quite the 
contrary 1 Has he secured internal repose to his 
own country ? Quite the contrary ! Has he dis- 
armed the ambition and hatred of Russia? Quite 
the contrary ! Has he augmented the number of 
England's allies ? Quite the contrary ! But the old 
tottering thrones of the Pope, and other despotic 
enemies of England, have been for a few months 
propped up again — the friends of England and of 
civilization, have been proscribed — and all the conti- 
nent of Europe, is now under the influence of Russia. 

2* 



18 A FEW WORDS ON 

Though Lord Palmerston at times affects extreme 
zeal in the defence of British interests, he neverthe- 
less allowed an English family to be held as host- 
ages at Florence, where they had fled for protection, 
and where an English ambassador was residing. 
Even if the father of this family had done wrong in 
fighting against the Pope and Austria, that is no 
reason for permitting his children to be made respon- 
sible. A similar outrage was never before submit- 
ted to by any nation. But our foreign secretary at 
that time rejoiced at the persecution of all who had 
dared to resist Russianism, or who presumed to have 
opinions more liberal than those of his Lordship. 
The British Ambassador in Tuscany celebrated with 
festivities the triumph of the enemy of Italy, Eng- 
land, and Humanity. 

The first serious blow which the patriotic cause 
received was in Sicily — that spot where the first 
appeal to arms against tyranny was made. This 
disaster was brought about by the diplomacy of Lord 
Palmerston, which caused to be elected into the pro- 
visional government an undue proportion of the no- 
bility — or of persons favorable to that class. He next 
discountenanced, and caused the provisional govern- 
ment to abandon those active measures which were 
indispensable to ensure success, and used threats and 
promises, to cause the second son of Charles Albert to 
be elected king — nor was the full extent of the mis- 
chief perceived until it was too late to find a remedy. 
Lured into a false security by these deceptive arts, the 
Sicilians were eventually abandoned, and their re- 
volution was crushed. Had the energies of the peo- 
ple been permitted to have developed themselves, 
then the tyrant of Naples would have fallen, and the 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 19 

southern part of Italy, united with Rome and Tusca- 
ny, would have been able to have accomplished the 
liberation of the remainder of that Peninsula. The 
French had not then thought about intervention — 
nor had the Prince-President then been elected. 

Even after this disaster, the cause could have 
been saved if, on the flight of the Grand Duke of 
Tuscany, that duchy had united itself with Rome, 
(as the Tuscan population wished to do,) but Lord 
Palmerston again interfered in favor of Russia, 
Austria and the Pope, and by his diplomacy, did civi- 
lization more effectual mischief than did the quad- 
ruple armed intervention. Russia and her minions tri- 
umphed, while those who trusted in the British foreign 
secretary were again betrayed. I believe, neverthe- 
less, that it is unjust to accuse his Lordship of preme- 
ditatedly betraying his country and humanity. It can- 
not be denied that he has done incalculable damage 
to every body except the Czar : but people should 
recollect, that when a panic seizes possession of a 
man's intellects, his common sense takes flight. In 
the case we are now treating of, his Lordship was 
bewildered by an insane fear of Republicanism on 
the continent, (an imaginary ill :) and dismayed by 
this phantom, he rushed blindly into the meshes of 
his wily Muscovite foe. Lord Palmerston and all 
Europe are, in consequence of these blunders, now 
menaced with something very different from a mere 
shadow. Austria, bankrupt and desperate, is united 
to the Cossacks, that she may participate in the pil- 
lage of the west. Already has she absorbed by ex- 
actions, forced loans and confiscations, all that can 
be squeezed out of Italy and Hungary. She has on 
foot a more numerous army than was in existence 



20 A FEW WORDS ON 

even in the wars against Napoleon — not one man of 
which can be dispensed with, for revolution men- 
aces her from within. Her credit is so completely 
exhausted that even the cupidity of the stock-jobbers 
is unable to palm off any new loan upon the public. 
Nothing, therefore, remains for her to do, but to sub- 
sist like a highway-robber, by plundering the neigh- 
borhood. 

The financial situation of Russia, though not so 
deplorable as that of Austria, is nevertheless not 
brilliant. If the Autocrat diminish his army, he must 
abandon his royal dependants, (or satraps,) and suf- 
fer civilization to advance. If he keep up his pre- 
sent amount of forces, he cannot provide for them 
out of his national revenues. Hunger must there- 
fore impel both Emperors to fall upon Germany,, 
where they may perhaps obtain some months of sub- 
sistence. But after a short stay, the same imperious 
necessity — Hunger — will drive them more westward. 
. — Then, may those Jesuitical French conservatives 
have the satisfaction of assisting at the representa- 
tion of the expedition to Rome, performed in Paris. 
There, these combined Croats and Cossacks may 
obtain a few scanty meals, but it is in England alone 
where they can find a plentiful repast — Albion is 
their land of promise. How stealthily is Russia work- 
ing her approaches against Great Britain. All in- 
tervening states are in turn overwhelmed, in which 
operation Lord Palmerston, with an inconceivable 
infatuation, assists to bind the victims hand and foot,, 
so as to prevent their defending themselves against 
the common enemy. However, there is yet the 
hope, that the continental liberal party may over- 
come Russtanism, whether their determination be or 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 21 

be not pleasing to his Lordship's diplomacy — thus 
he may be saved nolens volens. 

If the British aristocracy could but divest them- 
selves of their childish terror of the word Liberalism, 
so as to examine calmly the substance, they would 
perceive that the dominion of Russia is far more to be 
dreaded by them, than can be the spread of Repub- 
licanism on the continent. Let us suppose that the 
entire continent of Europe were under the republi- 
can regime, Great Britain, which is separated from 
her neighbors by the sea, and by (what is a yet more 
effectual barrier) different habits and institutions, 
might yet continue under a monarchy. Even if the 
monarchy were to be eventually converted into a 
Republic, in consequence of the republican system 
working on the continent practically better than 
monarchy in Great Britain, the nobles would merely 
lose some empty titles, and a few privileges — their 
lives and properties would be safe. Whereas if Rus- 
sia were to become dominant, their wealth, privileges, 
liberty, and perhaps life would be lost, or enjoyed only 
by permission of the Czar. 

I will cite two or three examples of Austrian con- 
servatism in Itaty. When Schwartzenberg command- 
ed a brigade at Boara, on the Adige, he ordered, of 
the native local authorities, a certain number of ladies 
for himself and his officers ! The authorities having 
remonstrated, and explained that women of the sort 
he wanted, were not to be found in that part of the 
country, this imperial conservative replied angrily : 
" Then send us your wives." This occurred during a 
period of peace, was totally unconnected with poli- 
tick, and caused extreme indignation. At Ferrara, 
Dr. Cotica, as in duty bound, sent to the hospital, cer- 



22 A FEW WORDS ON 

tain females who were in a state requiring medical 
care. These females happened to be (without his 
knowing it) under the protection of the imperial troops. 
The croat commandant sent for the doctor, who sus- 
pecting no personal violence, naturally repaired to his 
lodgings, where he was tied up and flogged so severe- 
ly, that he died in consequence. Let the English 
conservatives recollect that this is what the Croats 
and Cossacks call " maintaining order." At Bologna, 
a prohibition was issued against the carrying of any 
sort of weapon or knife. A butcher going to his daily 
occupation, was taken up for having a knife in his 
possession, and immediately condemned to death, al- 
though he explained who he was, and that the instru- 
ment was requisite for his trade- He was shot, and 
fell wounded, but not killed. In that state, yet alive, 
w T ithout taking the trouble to give him the coup 
de grace, the grave was filled up over him. Volumes 
of such examples could be furnished, and it is to de- 
fend themselves against such atrocities that the na- 
tion rises : all who impede the people from protecting 
themselves, are accessaries to these crimes. 

Both the American and British public are mis- 
informed respecting the feasibility of establishing 
constitutional monarchies on the continent of Eu- 
rope. They draw their conclusions, as to the suit- 
ableness of that system, from seeing the greatness of 
England, without considering collateral circumstan- 
ces. Great Britain has flourished in despite of, but 
not in consequence of monarchy. 

The prosperity of the English is due to their in- 
dustry, not to their government. Flow inferior is 
the royal to the republican side of the American lakes, 
though the Canadian territory is the most fertile. No 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 23 

better example than the flourishing condition of the 
United States, could be produced to show what the 
English race is capable of, when allowed to do the 
best they can for themselves, unshackled by royal 
protection. This colonial limb, which, seventy years 
ago separated itself from the mother country, and 
turned republican, has now become nearly as great 
as the body of which it formerly was but a small 
part. 

Constitutional monarchy is composed of three 
elements : the monarchical, the aristocratic, and the 
democratic. In England, the middle portion is the 
preponderating power: thus the balance is more 
easily kept steady, and the extremes are prevented 
from coming in contact. But on the continent, the 
middle portion only exists nominally, consequently 
the extremes come into frequent collision. Under 
constitutional monarchy, as well as under repub- 
licanism, popular suffrage is to a certain extent 
practised : but under the former regime, it is sub- 
jected to the corrupt action of patronage, intimida- 
tion, and direct bribery. As Philip De Boni so justly 
observes, "under a republican government, the virtues 
of the people ascend upwards and operate upon the 
rulers ; while under royalty, the vices of the court 
descend into the nation and corrupt it." 

Constitutional monarchy (on the continent at 
least) requires its spies as much as a pure despotism 
does : its diplomacy is equally intriguing and slip- 
pery : the promotions in the public service are dictat- 
ed by nepotism : education and morals are neglect- 
ed : religion is turned into a state engine : the poor 
are oppressed, and hatred is engendered between 
classes. All its complicated machinery is continually 



24 A FEW WORDS ON 

out of order, and is extremely expensive— a very old 
proverb reminds us that "the more a government 
costs, the worse it is." How much more economical, 
practical, and suitable to the wants of the people 
is the republican form — therefore, if it should be con- 
sidered requisite for a people to go through a prelimi- 
nary education under one form, to fit them' for the 
other, it is with the Republican regime that they 
should begin. 

The Romans in '49, selected that form best suited 
to them, and showed that they appreciated the advan- 
tages of Republicanism — so enthusiastic were they 
in defence of that government, which bid fair to keep 
them in their rightful station among the family of 
nations, and in civilization, that the women vied 
with the men in their devotion to the cause. Many 
fought, and some were killed by the side of their 
husbands or brothers : others tended the hospitals, 
bestowing the same care upon the wounded 
French soldiers, their prisoners, as upon 
their own citizens. the triumvirate sent 
from Rome, Surgeons and dressings to the 
French invaders, who had not sufficient of 
their own. I have in vain searched history to find 
a parallel to such acts. 

In selecting a form of government, historical 
recollections have much weight with a nation. His- 
tory reminds the Italians of no constitutional mon- 
archy, but of much republican glory. In any future 
movement, that very perilous interregnum, between 
the subversion of the usurping tyranny and the 
establishment of a national government, will be 
avoided, since the people have already decided upon 
their system, and have elected their legal represen 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 25 

tatives, who continue to be the depository of the 
national interests, and who, though in exile, are only 
waiting the moment when it will be their duty to 
re-appear at their posts. 

In the revolution of 1847-48 the Republican party, 
rather than risk that a dissention might arise, stifled 
their political opinions, and aided the constitutional 
monarchists against the absolutists ; thus performing 
the greatest act of self-devotion. But these infa- 
tuated constitutional-monarchists, having proved their 
incapacity, and having ruined themselves, should 
henceforth silence all factious opposition, if they have 
any patriotism, and aid the Republicans to accom- 
plish that task they themselves failed in performing. 

Let us devote a few lines to examine (setting aside 
theory) how the different systems worked practically 
in Italy. Were not the defenders of Venice and of 
Rome republicans ? On the other hand, were not 
the interests of the nation sacrificed by the royalists 
and papists? Did not the republicans open the doors 
of the Inquisition, and abolish that institution ? Did 
not the royalists and papists re-establish it, and fill 
its cells with victims? Have not all the Princes (not 
in Italy alone, but all over the continent,) violated 
those constitutions, to which, in a moment of panic, 
they had registered their consent, sanctified by a 
solemn oath? Consider not that the Italians have 
been duped more than their neighbors — all the con- 
tinent has been deceived by these imperial and royal 
hypocrites — the Italians with the rest, but not more than 
the others. If one nation has been cheated more than 
another, it is FRANCE. That great nation is now 
furnishing the world with an illustration of what 
evils Jesuit and royalist craft can accomplish, even 



26 A FEW WORDS ON 

in a republic — deplorable as is her condition now, a 
yet more bitter cup awaits her. 

Observe the conduct of the Romans since they 
have "been overwhelmed by the combination of des- 
pots. Are these republicans conquered ? NO ! Are 
the despots nearer their object ? NO ! They are 
farther off than ever ; they have consolidated in the 
minds of the masses those principles they were 
desirous of eradicating ; they have made that uni- 
versal which was before only general. The mercy, 
forgiveness, and moderation of the patriots, have been 
rewarded by floggings, extortions, confiscations, ban- 
ishments, executions, and calumnies ; but the day of 
atonement is not distant. The nations of the earth 
have now learned by experience, that it is not sufficient 
to have mere abstract Right on their side, but that they 
must likewise have Might ; and that they must not 
cherish vipers in their bosoms. The clandestine press 
is again at work, circulating its propaganda through 
every pore of the nation: neither the ingenuity of the 
Jesuits, nor tl*e espionage of the police, nor the bay- 
onets of the coalition, can stop its progress. 

One of the mistakes which contributed to injure 
the popular cause, was the disregard and contempt 
which the People had for the intrigues of Popery 
and Despotism. Bear this in mind, Americans, and 
suffer not yourselves to be misled into the same fatal 
error; never under-rate the power of your enemy. 
Observe that Popery is the first weapon with which 
the Czar attacks England. His imperial majesty 
leagues himself with the same insiduous foe, whom 
the Emperor of Austria, at the recommendation of 
Schlegel in 1828, encouraged and strengthened, for 
the purpese of injuring you. There is hope that the 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 27 

step taken by the Pope in England, may prove prema- 
ture, and may serve to arouse the nation to a per- 
ception of its danger. There is hope that the con- 
servative party in England may not imitate the ex- 
ample of their fellows on the continent, and impede 
the people from defending themselves from the 
Nortern Autocrat. 

You Americans cannot look on at these events 
with indifference. England is nearest to the scene 
of action ; if she succumb, your turn comes next, and 
quickly. The same instrument, Popery, will be used 
against you, to sow discord and disorder in your 
country, that the Cossacks and Croats may "restore 
order." Have you no recollection, during the Mexican 
war, of certain papist deserters, who left your ranks 
to side with their co-religionists ? How much more 
forcible would the ease present itself if the Pope 
himself were among the ranks of the enemy, and 
supremacy over their fellow- citizens on earth, with 
paradise in heaven, were to be held out to them by his 
Holiness as a reward 1 

Nor is what I have just noticed as having occurred 
in Mexico, to be considered as an isolated case ; a 
true Papist is bound to consider the interests of his 
religion, (as designated by the ecclesiastics,) as pre- 
eminent above every other consideration. In Italy, 
do not the priests league themselves with the foreign 
invaders, to enslave their country? Do not all those 
of this class, in Switzerland, France, and everywhere 
else, do the same '? The " Essule Italiano, " an Italian 
newspaper of New- York, 10th August, 1850, gives a 
case in point, of a Jesuit being employed in treasonable 
intrigues respecting the fortress of Alexandria, which 
the Austrians hive, for a long time, coveted. This 



23 A FEW WORDS ON POPERV AND DESPOTISM. 

letter from the Jesuit father, Vigna, to Count Bolza, 
head of the police in Milan, gives an example of the 
treason of the Jesuits, as well as of their immorality, 
in searching for such agents as are in needy circum- 
stances. He begins by lamenting the " innumerable 
evils to which the venerable company of Jesus" was 
subjected in Piedmont, and praised the paternal 
government of the Emperor of Austria ; hoped for 
the vengeance of God against the common enemy, 
and added that "although trust is to be placed in divine 
assistance, nevertheless, human co-operation is by no 
means to be despised." The Reverend Father then 
explained that he had found a professor who would 
be a " most fitting instrument in Alexandria, a very 
learned man, with limited means of existence therefore 
easy to be allured by the bait of a bribe" "Alexandria 
is a most important place, and this professor is a most 
appropriate person." 

You Americans are free and happy — Your an- 
cestors won you your Liberty; do not, however 
imagine that j.t does not require vigilant watch- 
ing. The intercourse between the old and new 
world is such, that, if the former be in bondage, you 
cannot long continue free ; either its inhabitants must 
become as you are, or you as they are. Remember 
that your friends are our friends ; that your enemies 
are our enemies; and that the happiness of the human 
family, with the peace and tranquility of the world, 
depend, mainly, upon the triumph or the destruction 
of Civil and Religious Liberty in Italy. 

H. FORBES. 



D. Fanshaw. Printer and Stereotyper, 
35 Ann, corner of Nassau -street. 



NOV. SECONE* EDITION. 1850. 

Published for distribution, by the Boston Young Men's Society in favor ofltuly. 

FORBES'S ANSWER 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 

fin Jj ~y*'& 

In the Lecture published by the Roman Catholic Arch- 
bishop Hughes, in the present year, under the title of 
"The Ciiuhcii and the World," there appear several 
remarks which I cannot allow to pass wholly without com- 
ment, inas- jch as they are directed against the present 
European movement in favor of civilization. 

He has styled Pius IX. "the Man of the Age," and 
justly ; for he will certainly be remembered, to the latest 
posterity, as the man who mainly contributed to accomplish 
(not by his genius or humanity, but through his blindness, 
and entirely against his will, ) the great work of the age — 
the annihilation of Popery and its foundations — the super- 
stition and ignorance of the people. 

Respecting the numerous enconiums bestowed upon him, 
I shall merely observe that I by no means acquiesce in 
them, nor do I lack reasons in abundance for entertaining 
these opinions ; but I shall not bestow any time upon dis- 
cussing that matter, simply because I cannot permit myself, 
by entering upon personalities, to be drawn away from the 
main question — from the discussion of Principles. 

Our adversaries invariably resort to personal abuse instead 
of argument, in order to draw the attention of their oppo- 
nents from the main question of Popery, and force them to 
devote their time to their own personal defence, as is the 
case at present with Achilli, who is devoting that time and 
those mental energies to conducting a law-suit, which ought 
to have been exclusively occupied in combatting Popery. 



Some there are who would retaliate, mud for mud, (and 
materials are not wanting,) hut even that is a loss of time, 
and soils one's fingers. The best answer is to redouble the 
activity of the attack upon the main question, and never he 
drawn from it, under any pretext whatever ; for if we were 
to follow their example, they would not fail to adduce it as a 
proof that we dared not discuss the question of papacy upon 
its merits, without first creating prejudices against it. As I 
have accused their party of dealing in abusive language, 
a specimen from their chief may perhaps be both inter- 
esting and instructive to the American public. Some per- 
sons may differ in political and in religious opinions, from those 
referred to in the anathema of his Holiness, but there are 
none who do not respect them as citizens, and who do not 
believe that their endeavors are prompted by philanthropic 
motives. Yet so intolerant of all its opponents is the spirit 
of Popery, that the American evangelical societies are thus 
spoken of: " Certain societies in which is collected, (as 
in one common receptacle,) whatever heresy, or the most 
impious sects offer of crime, of sacrilege, and of blasphe- 
my." .... "This was the object of the impious 
ravings and scheme of the Waldenses, of the Begurdians, 
of the Wickliffites, and other children of Belial, the refuse 
of human nature and its stain." . . . . "To attain 
their object the more easily and readily, they fearlessly wade 
through every crime." Then follows an injunction to the 
Prelates to appeal for support to the power and authority of 
the Princes, since the Pope presumes that they must be 
aware that it is for their interest to uphold his church. 

At the epoch of the elevation of Pius IX. to the Papal 
throne, Italy was in such a state of feverish excitement, 
brought about by centuries of misrule, that the government 
had no other choice than to select between Reform and 
Revolution. The Papal Court was then divided between 
two parties ; — the one was composed of the Austro-Jesuit 
faction, who maintained that one concession only paves the 
way for another. These men preferred running the hazard 
of a revolution, and commencing the struggle while they 
stood on the vantage ground ; having the services of all the 
civil and religious organization at their disposal, and their 
adversaries being weak — rather than making their resistance 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 



after they had abdicated a portion of their power. The 
other faction was equally desirous of saving Popery, but 
differed as to the means. They hoped to avoid the impend- 
ing storm by the timely concession of a few reforms in some 
of its grossest abuses. The confessor of the Pope, Padre 
Graziosi, Cardinal Micari, and the advocate Silvani, private 
friends of Pius, belonged to this party, which was supported 
by the influence and promises of a certain diplomatist, then 
at enmity with the Austrian and French ministry, on account 
of the affair of the Spanish marriages. The Pope feared, 
on the one hand, the consequences of a revolution, and on 
the other hand, had a truly papal horror of reforms. He 
therefore, (as all timid people do,) decided upon a course 
which was the most dangerous of all ; he tried to satisfy the 
compromise party, by granting the least possible quantity of 
reform, while he consoled himself and the Austro-Jesuit par- 
ty by nullifying these concessions in every possible manner. 

The fact of a Pope conceding to any reform whatever, 
was such a novelty, that mankind seemed to think the mil- 
lenium had commenced. Subsequent events have, however, 
cleared up the mystery, and unravelled the riddle. After 
the sudden death which overtook Graziosi, Micari, and Sil- 
vani, the compromise party at the Court of Rome became 
extinct, and the advocates of despotism and extermination 
had the entire direction of pontifical affairs, both in Church 
and State. 

The Archbishop has, likewise, at the very beginning of 
his Lecture, fallen into another error. He represents the 
revolution of Paris as preceding that of Palermo. The 
revolution of Palermo occurred on the 12th of January, 
1848; that of Paris on the 23d and 24th of Feb. following, 
and may be considered as an echo, (but not the only one,) 
of the Italian liberal Propaganda. 

The Archbishop appears astonished that the result of the 
agitations and revolutions of 1847-8 should be a state of 
things throughout Europe in 1850, much more oppressive 
than that which previously existed ; and this he attributes to 
the world having, during the Reformation, wrested out of the 
hands of the church the task of ameliorating the condition 
of mankind. He endeavors to show that the Roman Cath- 
olic religion harmonized the conflicting elements of society, 



4 FORBES S ANSWER TO 

made monarcks humane, and populations submissive. He 
says, " When the church had sway, nations had no despots — 
I mean of the absolute stamp." ..." One of her 
(the church's) crimes, in the false accusation of modern 
times, is that she undertook to support despotic kings." 

In reply to these observations, I desire to remark that we 
to-day behold nothing other than the natural result of the 
course pursued by the too-confiding people in the years 
1847, '48. and '49. The epidemic whirh pervaded the 
world in 1847-8 was that inconceivable delusion, that the 
Pope, despots, and nobles would peaceably abdicate their 
usurped sway over mankind. Fearing the consequences of 
open, undisguised opposition to the national will, they yield- 
ed to the crafty recommendation of Palmerston, and the 
eyes of the world were dazzled by the phantasmagoria of a 
reforming Pope and reforming princes ! And, as if that 
were not sufficient completely to bewilder the people, we are 
next treated to the farce of ultra royalist nobles suddenly 
transformed into red republicans ! 8omc there were among 
the people who did not place any confidence in these mira- 
culous conversions ; but unfortunately the multitude were 
misled by them. For the honest mechanics could not be- 
lieve that even Popes, princes, or nobles could be guilty of 
such falsehood, ingratitude, and baseness. "With liberty on 
their lips, and treason in their hearts, these nobles were 
allowed to retain the direction of public affairs, and for a 
time to trample down the patriots. In what position 
do the victors now stand ? They are this day in greater 
fear of the vanquished than the vanquished are of those, 
who, through the means of deceit and treachery, are now 
their oppressors. 

Nor can I admit that the above inference of the Arch- 
bishop is a just one. The revolution is far from being 
over ; it is now merely in progress ; and the country may 
justly be likened to a strong man whose health has been 
injured by a long course of intemperance and vice, conse- 
quent upon a neglected education and the bad example of 
his tutors. Reduced to a desperate condition, this man has 
at length turned over a new leaf — dismissing his monarchial 
and priestly quacks, and commencing a course of medicine 
and diet. Would the state of exhaustion or inconvenience 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 5 

in which this man might feel himself during the progress of his 
cure, be a fair test between the comparative merits of his for- 
mer method of life and that of any virtuous sober neighbor; 
especially when the dismissed and disgraced authors of his 
ruin should have conspired to disturb his repose, and mali- 
ciously to adulterate his medicine with poisons? 

I entertain no doubt as to the ultimate annihilation of 
Popery, and all its coadjutors ; but I see that, before going 
to its own place, it will tear and lacerate the body of its 
victim, as did the unclean spirit. Mark 1 : 25-26, and 
Luke 9 : 42. 

The assertion of the Archbishop, that despotism did not 
exist in the dark ages, is somewhat at variance with all that 
history has yet written. I have always seen this period 
described as having been one continued exhibition of climac- 
tic ruffianism : commencing with the barons' retainers, who 
overawed the peasantry ; ascending step by step to the 
chiefs who domineered over their men-at-arms ; till we arrive 
at the yet wider despotism of the princes, who, in their turn, 
were prtest-ridden ! 

The Archbishop infers that the Roman Catholic religion 
was the friend of ameliorations, because some reforms, and 
especially that great instrument called the Magna Charta 
had the good luck to exist previous to the days of Luther 
and Calvin. Did any (even the very least of them) take 
their rise from the priesthood ? It would be just as appro- 
priate to style George III. a republican, because the Decla- 
ration of Independence was signed and successfully upheld 
during- his reign. I must confess my surprise that the 
Archbishop has ventured to refer to this Magna Charta as a 
proof of popish liberality and love of reform. As a histo- 
rian, he ought to know that it makes directlv against his 
cause. Let us look at the facts relating to it. John of 
England had a dispute with Innocent III. in the year 1207, 
respecting the nomination to the See of Canterbury. In 
consequence of this, England was excommunicated by the 
Pope in the following year, 1208, and John himself was 
put to the Ban in 1200. In the year 1213, we find John 
obliged to barter his kingdom to the Pope to obtain for- 
giveness. 

In consequence of this transfer, and to save themselves 



FORBES S ANSWER TO 



from this popish usurpation, which was even more oppres- 
sive than the mere royal tyranny, the barons revolted, and 
obliged John, (who continued in England as the local ruler, 
though he bowed as vassal to the Pope,) to accept their 
conditions, embodied in the Magna Charta, June, 1215. 

As soon as this was known to the Pope, he issued his 
Bull, August 25, 1215, in the following language, (Rymer 
Clarke,) — "We entirely reprobate and condemn a com- 
pact of this kind, ( compositionem hujus modi,) prohibiting, 
under the threat of anathema, (lest the said king should 
presume to observe it, or the barons, with their accomplices, 
should enact its observance,) as well the said charter, as its 
obligations or provisions, and making it void and of no ef- 
fect." On the same day the Pope issued an epistle, in the 
same strain, to the English barons; but no notice being 
taken of it, it was followed by ban and interdict, (Math. 
Paris, page 270,) with the direction to the Bishops, " That 
they should solemnly publish it through all England, ac- 
cording to our sentence, on all Sabbath and feast days, with 
the ringing of bells and the burning of candles, until the 
barons shall render satisfaction to their Lord the King, for 
the injuries and damages inflicted, and faithfully return to 
his service." 

What a remarkable similarity there is between the liber- 
ality of Innocent III. and that of Pius IX. ! The Pope's 
Encyclical of last December, in which he inveighs against 
what he calls " the new art of printing," may be perhaps 
eonsidered by the Archbishop as a proof of his civilization ! 

The epoch at which the church was at its zenith of power, 
prior to the reformation, is cited by the Archbishop as the 
most perfect state of human society, either before or since 
known in the world, " from whence we derive the little good 
we now enjoy." He therefore must, of course, consider 
that trial by combat, by fire, or by miracle, is better than 
our jury system — that the arbitrary decrees of princes, 
dictated by their confessor, are better than laws made by 
the freely elected deputies of the people — that the caprice 
of a baron is better than the habeas corpus and a court of 
justice — that the inquisition is preferable to freedom of 
conscience, (which the Bull of the Pope has declared to be 
a " pestilential error ,") — ignorance better than educa- 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 7 

tion — convents preferable to schools — no roads to rail- 
roads — ■ that Bulls of the Pope are more desirable than 
what his Holiness stigmatizes as being " that worst and 
never sufficiently to be execrated liberty of the press." 
Such the Archbishop avows to be his opinion ; but I think 
it will require more eloquence than is possessed by all the 
Archbishops in the world, and more miracles than the pres- 
ent Pope and all his predecessors have conjured up, to per- 
suade the Americans to take his view of the matter, and 
to barter their liberty for his slavery. 

I do not here pretend to discuss matters of dogma ; but 
as I have an Archbishop in hand, I may be excused allud- 
ing to the 2d Epistle Corin. 3d chapter, 17th verse, which 
says: — "Where the spirit op the Lord is, there is 
LIBERTY." Now in no part of the world is there less of 
Liberty than there is at Rome ; therefore in no part of the 
world is there less of the spirit of that Lord, whose priest 
the Archbishop professes to be. How much more simple it 
would be, if things were but called by their proper names : if, 
instead of calling Popery "The Roman Catholic Religion" 
it were to be styled in plain English, " That wonderfully 
organized and tremendously powerful political engine — 
POPERY." 

We now come to that very important part of the Arch- 
bishop's Lecture which treats of the right of insurrection ; i. e. 
of revolution. He says, " The Catholic Church does not 
recognize the principle that the people may change their 
government when they will." This, there is no doubt, is 
the doctrine of Popery ; but I am surprised that the Arch- 
bishop (who is in general so very cautious in his expres- 
sions,) should have published, in the United States, an 
explicit avowal of this principle. He is, however, acting 
under the influence of another fixed principle of Popery — 
viz. the doctrine of expediency — and he strives to qualify 
the above avowal by the addition of a most ambiguous pro- 
viso, so as not to shock the Americans by blaming their 
revolution of '76, while he at the same time retains his hold 
upon the passive obedience and divine-right doctrine of 
Popery. This Popish doctrine of expediency is most 
mysterious. We find some persons handed over to the in- 
quisition and to the executioner for expressing, or for being 



8 FORBES'S ANSWER TO 

suspected of entertaining liberal ideas ; while others meet 
with rewards and promotions for pretending to these same 
opinions. 

The Archbishop explains that (he Roman Catholic Church 
desires ; ' not servile, but reasonable obedience," and he adds 
that revolution is proper "when the injury to the people is 
more than the benefit to the government." 

Hence arise two questions — First, What is the rule by 
which the church distinguishes "servile " from " reasonable 
obedience?" Secondly, By what rule can we test whether 
the injury to the people be greater than the benefit to the 
government? The first of these queries can best be an- 
swered by referring to the Bulls and acts of Infallible 
Popes, and noting the motives for which they have at times 
excited the resistance of the people against their rulers, and 
vice versa. Gregory II., in the eighth century, fomented 
a revolt amongst the Romans, Venetians, Lombards, and 
all Italy in general, not to free the people from bondage, 
but merely to augment his own authority. Gregory VII. 
(1073) deposed Henry of Germany, and raised against him 
a bloody war, in which, however, the anathemas of the Pope 
proved of little avail against his rival, and his infallible 
Holiness having overreached himself, was eventually excom- 
municated for simony, perjury, sacrilege, scandal, sorcery, 
necromancy, infidelity, heresy, and beringarianism. This 
war, in which the people were excited against their sover- 
eign, and foreigners likewise were called upon to assist in 
the Pope's behalf, was not to liberate an oppressed people, 
but, as usual, merely to extend papal dominion. 

The enumeration of the various cases in which the people 
were excited by the Popes against their rulers, would take 
a volume in itself. Each instance invariably had for its ob- 
ject papal aggrandisement. These proceedings were always 
accompanied on the part of the Pope by absolving from oaths, 
&c, &c, the history of which furnishes some most atrocious 
examples of perjury and blasphemy, all for the aggrandise- 
ment of the Papacy or the oppression of the people, as in 
the case of Edward of England, whom in the year 1306 
the Pope Clement absolved of his oath to observe the char- 
ter, and at the same time anathematized such of his subjects 
as should dare to insist upon the king's observance of such 
an oath. 




ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 9 

Amidst the mass of horrors revealed in this oath-absolv- 
ing process of the Popes, (which the Archbishop would do 
well to become better versed in before he delivers any more 
lectures in praise of their civilizing propensities,) we stum- 
ble upon one fact which has something of the ludicrous 
mixed up with it. Paul V., having in his infallibility taken 
an oath, which he subsequently found to be inconvenient, 
by this same presumption of infallibility, absolved himself 
of his oath! (1555). 

When we look at the opposite side of the question, and 
take examples of rulers exhorted and praised for the massa- 
cre of their people, we find these acts to be dictated by the 
same motives — Popish ambition and intolerance. On the 
occasion of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, for instance, 
Gregory XIII. went in procession to the Church of St. 
Louis, to return thanks to God ; and he sent his congratu- 
lations to the "most Christian King," for a deed "so long 
meditated and so happily executed." If we wish an ex- 
ample of rulers stirred up against the people, in the present 
d;iy, we have Pius IX., who might have enjoyed the full 
exercise of his spiritual functions, with a revenue of four 
hundred thousand dollars per annum, his palaces, &c, &c, 
but which he refused, unless he could enjoy his temporal 
powek likewise. Of this affair we have seen the commence- 
ment, but we HAVE NOT YET SEEN THE END. His Holiness 

would do well to reflect upon the fate of Gregory VII. 

We next come to the test by which to decide whether the 
" tyranny be of greater injury to the people than it is ben- 
efit to the government." I must here state explicitly, that 
I cannot recognize any other question as meriting public 
attention, than this: Have the people, or have they not, 
suffered injury from the tyranny exercised upon them t The 
archepiscop;il idea of endeavoring to strike a balance between 
the injury to the people and the benefit to the govern- 
ment, is an admission on the part of the prelate that a gov- 
ernment may be permitted to have interests in opposition 
to those of the public, and demonstrates that he advo- 
cates a principle that strikes at the very root of republican- 
ism. It is manifestly placing the ' ' divine right" (as under- 
stood by Popes and despots,) in direct opposition to public 
right. Either the government is the servant (or hired 
1* 



10 

agent) of the citizens, or the people are the humble subjects 
of the government. If the former be the case, then cer- 
tainly the people are as much justified as any other employer 
would be, in dismissing an agent who is not doing their work 
to their satisfaction. If the Archbishop denies this proposi- 
tion, let him frankly tell the American people that he does 
deny it. Let a public agent in this country try the experi- 
ment, and impudently talk of divine rights and of private 
interests at variance with the public welfare. 

Should the people, overcome by compassion and a desire to 
forgive, consider that the maladministration of their agent 
were caused by the ruinous and vicious system introduced 
by his predecessors, and should they be satisfied with a mere 
change of method without dismissal, then would this ser- 
vant be bound to the public by an 'immense debt of grati- 
tude ; and treason on his part would he the more infamous. 
Such is the history of the recent events in Europe — the 
errors of the people have all been on the side of kindness 
and of goodness. That the result thus far should have 
proved disastrous, is not their fault but their misfortune — 
if they be imposed upon again, after the experience they 
have so dearly bought, then, indeed, it will be their fault. 
Hear what the Roman people say to the Pope upon this 
subject. 

" Giovanni Mastai, how long will you insult your country, 
and she bear \^ith you? " . . . . " Oh senseless we ! 
that we should ever have believed you — ever have applaud- 
ed your feigned promises and ephemeral concessions, to find 
ourselves deluded in our hopes, and cheated of our hap- 
piness." 

What does Mazzini say upon this subject? " On all sides 
thousands have fallen — some by the hand of the executioner, 
some on the field of battle, some from hunger and want, in 
exile. With a smile on their lips, with defiance on their 
brow, with that calm serenity which can belong only to those 
who have a consciousness of having completed their mission, 
these martyrs met their fate." 

Looking at the 18th chapter of Revelation, 6th, 7th, 8th, 
and 9th verses, we find in allusion to the destruction of a 
certain lady in scarlet, — ' ' Reward her even as she re- 
warded you, and double unto her double according to her 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 11 

works ; in the cup which she hath filled, fill to her double. 
How much she hath glorified herself, and lived deliciously, 
so much torment and sorrow give her ; for she saith in her 
heart, I sit a queen, and am no widow, and shall see no 
sorrow. Therefore shall her plagues come in one day, 
death, and mourning, and famine ; and she shall he utterly 
burned with fire ; for strong is the Lord God that judge th 
her. And the kings of the earth who have committed for- 
nication and lived deliciously with her, shall bewail her and 
lament for her." 

Let us suppose that the question had to be decided, 
whether the injury to the people were greater than the ben- 
efit to the government, — before whom could the point be 
argued, and who could give a verdict V The Americans are 
acknowledged by the Archbishop to be the fittest judges of 
their own affairs ; can he debar the Eomans from the same 
right, and force them to submit to the decision of the Pope, 
the despots, the Jesuits, and their adherents ? 

The Roman people, after the voluntary flight of the Pope, 
in November, 1848, elected a constituent assembly charged 
to form a constitution. These elections took place by uni- 
versal suffrage — amidst the most remarkable good order — 
and the Republic was legally and solemnly declared, amidst 
universal satisfaction. Until the Romans had freed them- 
selves from the thraldom under which they had been held 
by the Papal government, it was impossible to take the 
opinion of the nation through the ballot box. The Romans 
have endured Popery for some centuries, and surely they 
must be the most competent judges of its merits. 

Nor is the present the first struggle of the Romans against 
popish oppression. The history of Rome shows a series of 
attempts to free itself from this servitude, which has been 
forced upon its population by fraud and violence. In 1815 
the people protested against it ; and the authorities of 
Bologna warned the Pope not to stop in that city, or they 
could not guarantee the maintenance of public tranquility. 
If Popery was disliked by the Romans in times gone by, 
when the mass of the people were bigoted believers in its 
doctrines, how much more odious must it appear now that 
their faith is shaken, and that the Pope (refusing to accept 
his spiritualities without his temporalities) has appealed to 



12 FORBES's ANSWER TO 

foreign despots to reinstate him as an absolute prince, 
eau-ing his capital to be bombarded, and the citizens to be 
massacred. 

The Archbishop asserts that the late efforts on the part of 
the Italians to throw off the yoke of despotism were not 
sanctified by a sufficient justification ; therefore, that they 
are unworthy of being treated other than as ungrateful and 
rebellious subjects, and that the American revolution of '76 
is not to be compared with the late European outbreaks. 
1. Because the Americans iv ere justified in their resistance, 
the conduct of the British government having been oppress- 
ive. 2. Because the leading men of the revolution of 
'76 were religious men. " They reverenced, or at least 
professed to reverence, God. They recognized the rights 
of property." And, 3. Because the American revolu- 
tion succeeded, while the European struggle has (so far as 
it has yet proceeded) failed. 

The Archbishop having declared that the Americans of 
'75-6 were justified, while the Romans of '47 were not justi- 
fied, let us take a view of the causes of complaint of the one 
and of the other. In treating of this matter, I by no means 
wish to speak slightingly of the motives of the Americans in 
their revolution ; but I desire to demonstrate to the citizens 
of the United States that the Romans had much stronger 
reasons for their resistance. 

The great grievance of the American colonies in '74 and 
'75 was the being taxed without having a share in the repre- 
sentation. In this they were quite right to resist ; but, by 
the same rule, the Romans have the same right. If, in '73, 
the Bostonians did right in pitching the tea overboard, then 
the Romans did equally right in pitching Popery overboard. 
In America, personal liberty at least was protected, while 
in the states of the Pope any person could be (as now) 
thrown arbitrarily into prison, or into the inquisition, and 
there kept for an indefinite period. In America, there was 
trial by jury ; not so in the states of the church, where, if 
sometimes the authorities should consider it expedient to go 
through the formality of a trial, the government not only 
named the judges and the law officers for the prosecution, 
but likewise the lawyer for defending the accused. The 
avocato Ulisse Pantoni of Forli was banished and suspended 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 13 

from practising in the profession, for conscientiously defend- 
ing certain liberals for whom he had been named counsel 
before the special court convoked at Ravenna, in 1832, and 
for refusing to deliver to the papal government some papers 
proving the innocence of the accused, which papers the 
Pope's police eventually took by force out of his study. 

Among other iniquities in this affair, one of the prisoners 
accused of having killed a carbineer, proved that, on the 
night in question, he was at his home, a great distance away 
from the spot indicated, and that a Franciscan friar, on a 
journey, having called at his father's house, slept that night 
in his room. The friar, when cited, corroborated the asser- 
tion ; and in consequence he was severely reprimanded, and 
sent to the inquisition at Rome, for giving evidence without 
having first consulted his superior. ( Vide ultimi fatti di 
Romagna. M. Azeglio.) 

In America, the citizens could travel or visit each other 
withDut any impediment ; whereas, in Italy, any one moving 
but a few miles from his home, without a passport, would be 
immediately imprisoned. Any one giving a friend, or even a 
member of his own family, a night's lodging, and neglecting 
to report the fact to the police by twelve o'clock the next 
day, was (and is) liable to severe penalties. Americans had 
liberty of conscience — of the press — of education. Not so 
the Romans ; many of whom have been imprisoned, and have 
even lost their lives for being suspected op not thinking 
as the papal government tvishes people to think. Ameri- 
cans were not subject to the intolerable nuisance of political 
and domestic spies — but the Romans have not only political 
spies in every nook and corner of the country, but their 
wives, their children, and domestics, being forced to go very 
frequently to the Father Confessor, they are so questioned 
by the priest as to be made to act the spy upon their parents 
and upon each other. In America there were no monopo- 
lies — while in Rome there hardly exists any thing free from 
monopoly. The lives and properties of Americans were 
protected — not so the Romans ; for the police being occu- 
pied exclusively with politics, can never give their time to 
matters of such secondary importance as looking after mere 
robbers and assassins. Add to these every species of vice and 
corruption, in every department of the State ; the intolerable 
2 



14 FORBES'S ANSWER TO 

tyranny and arrogance of the priestly magistrates ; and a list 
of other evils too long to enumerate separately. 

Let us observe the dignified and temperate words of the 
Roman People, convened by the popular club, in the Spring 
of '49, for the purpose of composing an address to the Pope ; 
which document, having been voted at a public meeting, 
must be considered as a true sample of the opinion of the 
mass of the citizens. They say : — " It is not the word Re- 
public we are in love with, but we want a wise, prudent, and 
just government. Now this, call it by what name you will, 
is what we have always wanted, and we have a right to it. 
To this point we tried to urge you ; from which, the govern- 
ment of the Popes had so far receded. This act, simple, 
and full of justice and moderation, you designate the product 
of unbridled license, and the audacity of depraved passions ; 
and those men, who, from love of country, attempted it, you 
call the enemies of God and man. Silence, false Pontiff ! 
and profane not thus the name of GOD ! " 

Let us see what are the demands of the people, as ex- 
pressed by Mazzini, who was, (and is,) the most remarkable 
of the Roman Triumvirate. He says, " what are the de- 
mands of the people ? Nationality. Freedom. The pro- 
tection of just laws, instead of the arbitrary caprice of an 
usurpation. We will select for our rulers those citizens 
most conspicuous for their virtues and intelligence. We will 
have education for all — food for the mind — bread for the 
body. That the will of God be done on earth as it is in 
Heaven." 

The next objection of the Archbishop to classing the Ital- 
ian movement with that of 76 is, he says, because the Amer- 
ican revolutionists were religious men. " They revered, or 
at least professed to revere, God. They recognized the rights 
of property." The Archbishop here seems puzzled to de- 
cide whether these men really revered, or merely professed 
to revere God. Since he is in a mist, there I must leave 
him to find his own way out. If he were to refer to the 
Pope's encyclical of last December, which says, " The 

EASIER TO DECEIVE THE PEOPLE, THEY PRETEND THAT PRO- 
TESTANTISM IS BUT ANOTHER FORM OF CHRISTIANITY," he 

might by chance get some light thrown upon this difficult 
question. When the time shall arrive in which he can 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 15 

venture to speak out his opinion, perhaps he may let us 
know it. 

Before dismissing this second objection I must quote a few 
lines from the above mentioned address of the Roman 
People, just to exemplify their religious opinions. In speak- 
ing of the Papal Government they say, " The first care was 
given to the heaping up of gold and silver ; but none was 
bestowed to giving to the Church the truths of the Word of 
God." "When you left Rome, the Bible entered it ! " 
and again, " If you appeal to the religion of the canons, we 
stand by the Holy religion op the Gospel ; You belie 
it, — yes ! We believe in the Christ of God, and our faith 
daily increases on comparing His doctrine with your prac- 
tice," &c, &c. 

Having heard what the people say, let us now hear what 
Mazzini says, in his address to the Roman Priests : 

" For a long time a divorce has existed between the 
Catholic Church and humanity. This divorce is most fatal ; 
since without Christianity, no state of society founded on 
brotherly love and charity ean exist ; without Christianity, 
there can be neither peace nor true liberty ; without Christ- 
ianity, our corrupt nature will always resist every important 
reformation, and we shall have neither a country nor any 
thing whatever that is good. Besides, it is absolutely neces- 
sary to re-link earth to heaven — to re-establish harmony 
between this world and eternity — between man and God, 
the Father and Instructor of all men. I now warn you that 
the important hour is about to strike ; that the period of 
time is accomplished ; that Materialism, the offspring of 
Popery, is overcome ; that the want of a religion is on every 
side felt. Through your misconduct, men's consciences are 
now in a state of doubt — religion is banished from men's 
hearts." . . . "In the name of God we ask you of what 
creed you are ? Whether you understand the scriptures ? 
Whether you be Christians or Idolaters ? " . . . " Our re- 
ligion is eternal ; eternal is the church of believers. The 
reformation of the corrupt church, which might be accom- 
plished solemnly and peaceably through your aid, will, it 
you do not march with us, cost a terrible struggle — tears — 
and a multitude of martyrs." 

The Archbishop's ideas seem again in a mist respecting 



16 FORRES'S ANSWER TO 

the rights of property, which he pretends were not respected 
by the Republic. It was not the Republican, but the Papal 
Government which confiscated every thing it could lay its 
hands upon. 

Nobody can respect the memory of the heroes of ' 76 
more than I do. I believe them to have been men such as 
are rarely to be met with, either on the score of extreme in- 
tegrity, patriotism, disinterestedness, or talent; yet, if I am 
not misinformed, the British Government heaped upon them 
very much the same epithets as those with which the Papal 
Government has honored the leaders of the present Italian 
revolution. 

The third motive given by the Archbishop for condemn- 
ing the Italian struggle, is not exactly the sort of argument 
I should have expected from one professing to be a minister 
of religion ; but it is the only fact he has produced, viz : that 
it has been overcome. Since his criterion of right is force, 
he must by his own rule acknowledge that for some months 
the republicans were right, and the Pope was wrong • and, 
in a few months, he may have again to draw a similar con- 
clusion. One of the singular circumstances in this most un- 
precedented affair, is, that the Pope, to recover his tempo- 
ralities, should appeal to those whom the Archbishop styles 
" rank unbelievers themselves," and that his Holiness should 
be most profuse in heaping upon them his blessings, benedic- 
tions, and incfulgencies. He seems, also, to be not less 
afraid of his deliverers than he was of the liberals in ' 48, 
for he has already attempted to escape from Rome since the 
French troops escorted him back. 

To excite a greater prejudice against the European move- 
ment, the Archbishop applies at random the usual words 
"Socialist," "Demagogue," "Order/' &c. The defini- 
tion of the word Socialist is, I imagine, any person who lives 
in the society of his fellows ; and this all men do, unless 
they be kings, or hermits, who have no companions to asso- 
ciate with ; even in nunneries, the inmates have a species of 
socialism, after their own fashion ; and I have understood 
that their sociability is generally enlivened when there hap- 
pens to be a monastery within a small distance. On the 
second head I must say I have heard no sentence uttered by 
any revolutionary orator so likely to excite hatred between 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 17 

classes as is the following of Archbishop Hughes himself. 
"Political economy has not seen, or seeing, has not dared 
to denounce, the social blunder, the mockery of freedom, 
which is presented in the spectacle of the starving labourer 
maintaining a contest of competition with the bloated 
capitalist." If one of us had uttered these words, what 
abuse would have been heaped upon all of us by the despots, 
and their organs ! The less, therefore, this popish prelate 
says about " Demagogism," the better. 

The other cant expression about "order," is worn so 
threadbare that it is useless to dwell upon, it, for the public 
have discovered that the soi-disant "friends, of order," 
(such as reigned in Warsaw,) are in reality the subverters 
of all order. 

It is by the perversion of such words and expressions, 
that the reactionary panic has been called into existence in 
Europe. Haynau bears the chief odium of these excesses, 
but the second place only is due to him. The first place 
ought to be occupied by those diplomatists who have manu- 
factured this reaction out of false pretences. 

As to anarchy, (respecting which the Archbishop seems 
so alarmed,) there has existed none, except in his own head, 
and there, apparently, there is a sad jumble. He condemns 
liberty, and in the same breath explains that he approves of 
it ! He condemns despotism, and in the same page praises 
it ! He declares revolution to be justifiable, and at the 
same time declares it to be unjustifiable ! Does not this 
look like anarchy ? Now out of all this arises a question, 
Is the Archbishop's brain muddled, or not ? His infallible 
Holiness seems to think it is not, and seems disposed to con- 
sider him the Wiseman of America. 

In the Archbishop's endeavor to condemn revolutions, or 
reforms of every description, he asks whether the people, 
(say in Russia,) can have a right to change their government? 
" We say, all Americans say, they have ; but have they tru- 
ly?" are his words. I confess that if they have not that right, 
then neither could the Italians, nor even the Americans, have 
had it. Yet the prelate acknowledges that the Americans 
had it, and in that case so had, and so have, the Italians, 
the Russians, and all others. But he explains that if they 
have a right to change one day, they have equally a right 
2 o 



18 



FORBES S ANSWER TO 



to change again the next ; which, according to him, would 
be anarchy. Has not the Emperor of Russia the power of 
revoking his decrees as often as he pleases ? Has not the 
republic of the United States, (as well as every other state,) 
the power to alter her laws, so as to render them more suit- 
able to her wants ? Thus, according to the Archbishop, all 
the world is, and always has been, in a state of anarchy. 
Most persons think that the timely alteration of an obnox- 
ious law, is the best way to avoid, instead of the means of 
creating anarchy. 

Anarchy signifies confusion, and the subversion of all 
law. Now the organic laws of that system of which our 
globe forms a part, command that everything be kept in 
constant motion forward. When this natural progress is 
stopped, comes corruption, which is the motion reversed. 

No ANARCHY IS PRODUCED BY THE FORWARD MOVEMENT. 

The day dawns, and runs its course forward. The year 
begins and advances, always forward. Man is born, and 
goes forward in his race. Whenever a despot puts an im- 
pediment in the way of civilization and human progress, the 
organization called society, gets unsteady, and advances 
with jerks. Whenever the despotic power is such as com- 
pletely to arrest the movement forward, then anarchy must 
necessarily result. 

What would be the consequence if some persons were to 
build a dam across a stream V Would not the water by its 
accumulation gradually swell till the pressure be so great as 
to sweep away the obstacle ? So it is with the Pope and 
the despots of the present day; they have obstructed the 
current of civilization, but they cannot make it flow back to 
its source. Should the mischievous authors of this impedi- 
ment be themselves overwhelmed in the ruin they will 
have caused, they will richly deserve such a recompense 
for so much wickedness. 

The work of Italian regeneration now advancing, places 
Archbishop Hughes in a very embarrassing position before 
the American public. So long as he directed his attacks 
merely against the English, he could cheaply obtain the 
reputation of a red-hot radical ; he could, in the true spirit 
of Loyola, propose to purchase a shield, while his lay com- 
panions subscribed for the purchase of arms. The popish 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 19 

oppression in Italy being much more severe than ever oc- 
curred in this country or in Ireland, he must either eschew all 
his former protestations of republicanism and of sympathy for 
the oppressed, or he must become proportionably more vio- 
lent in his attacks against the Pope's government, than he 
formerly was against that of Great Britain. 

'All his endeavors to reconcile popish with republican 
maxims, must turn out miserable failures, and tend only to 
demonstrate more palpably their antagonism. " No man can 
serve two masters ; " therefore the Archbishop had better 
for the future abandon his attempts to prove that midnight 
is mid-day, and not meddle any more with politics ; but 
limit his occupations exclusively to his spiritual functions — 
to his masses, his confessional, and his indulgences. 

H. FORBES. 



THE ROMAN REPUBLIC AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 

New York, June 1st, 1850. 
To the Editor of the Tribune. 

Having had placed in my hands an article signed Sigma, 
from the New York Courier and Enquirer, treating of the late 
Italian revolution, and of the leading persons concerned in it, 
written under the most erroneous impression, I cannot let such 
false views remain before the public, without endeavoring to 
rectify them to the best of my feeble ability. I am the more 
inclined to take this step, because from my intercourse with 
American citizens since my arrival here, I find them in general 
misled upon these subjects, their information (except the cor- 
respondence and editorial articles which have appeared in the 
Tribune and a few other truly democratic papers) having been 
gathered from the London journals. That press, though most 
ably conducted as regards the composition of its articles, yet, 
to please its aristocratic readers, invariably gives such an arti- 
ficial coloring to every political event, that each endeavor made 
by an oppressed country to free itself from tyranny and ame- 
liorate its condition is distorted so as to appear to be the rebel- 
lion of a restless faction, for the sake of pillage ; while the 
patriots who sacrifice themselves and their fortunes for the pub- 
lic good, are stigmatized with the appellation of brigands ! 
Unless, forsooth, the movement be made by the nobility in 
favor of a very aristocratic constitutional monarchy, which 
being only another name for oligarchy, generally meets with 
sympathy from the ruling class in Great Britain. What a 
lamentable fact, that a press which ought fearlessly to advocate 
justice — which instead of humoring the vices and foibles of 
the public ought to endeavor to correct them — and which pos- 
sesses in itself talent sufficient to ensure so desirable result, 
should prefer to pander to these faults in the mercenary hope of 
selling a few more copies. Being an Englishmen, unless I had 
been thoroughly convinced of the justice of the Italian cause, 
I should not have taken up arms in its defence, (such a course 
being opposed to my private interest,) and I most certainly 
should never have allowed my eldest son to accompany me to 
the field. 

I grant that in the commencement of the revolution some 
blunders were committed ; that faith was placed in the promises 
of the princes and nobles ; that some persons were placed in 
offices for which they proved unqualified ; while some most 
estimable persons were neglected. But these accidents were, 
under existing circumstances, unavoidable, and the only wonder 



THE ROMAN REPUBLIC, ETC. 21 

is, that so few cases of this sort occurred ; for the despotic 
Italian governments had allowed the public no means of appre- 
ciating the capabilities of those from among whom the people 
had to choose their leaders. It could only be, therefore, after 
an individual had committed some (perhaps serious) mistake, 
that his incapacity could be discovered , and a remedy applied 
by the nomination of some other person to his situation. To 
perplex the people the more, and to thwart everything which 
might be of service to the popular cause, the Jesuits and the 
aristocrats incessantly worked in secret to raise in public esti- 
mation those most unworthy ; resorting, on the other hand, to 
calumnies, to ruin the reputation of such as they considered 
men of superior worth. The local princes, having unfortunately 
assumed the disguise of reformers — ipstead of showing them- 
selves in their own true colors - — so long as the selection rested 
with them, nominated, (as princes always do,) those persons 
who would best second their royal desires. Oh ! little do you 
republicans know here in America what these Jesuits are ! 
Shut your eyes to them a little longer, suffer them to get a 
firmer footing in the country, and you will then begin to feel it, 
free Americans though you be. They take any shape, assume 
any color best suited to their purpose. They insinuate them- 
selves everywhere ; they contrive to know every secret. In- 
dustriously and patiently do they labor to obtain this object by 
securing the rising generation, especially the females, through 
the instrumentality of the Sisters of the Sacred Heart. They 
seldom dedicate much time to proselyting persons of mature 
age, for they know that they can catch in their nets a hundred 
little fish easier than they can trap one full-grown one. 

A country in a state of revolution requires all its energies 
then, more than at any other time, and the nomination of a few 
persons to situations for which they are not qualified, may peril 
the success of the enterprise. But the people are not to blame 
for this ; the odious yoke which they are endeavoring to shake 
off is alone responsible for these difficulties. Hungary was 
differently situated in this respect. That country had long been 
the main prop of the Austrian Empire. There had there been 
a Constitution for a length of time. There were statesmen, 
generals, officers, and soldiers ready made. The Italians in 
time would have had just as good ones, but a certain time was 
absolutely necessary to form them, and to discover such as 
might be most suitable to the various departments of the public 
service. The first man in Europe was already at the head of 
the Triumvirate. The subordinate offices were beginning to be 
appropriately filled. As regards their soldiers, I could not de- 
sire to have better materials out of which to form battalions, 
for I set down as a rule that all those men will make good sol- 



22 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 

diers, after a little drilling, who take well to the bayonet. 
Cavalry, artillery, and officers, take a somewhat longer time to 
form, though the Italians have natural facilities in this respect. 
Both Italy and Hungary have acquired some dearly-bought ex- 
perience, and when the struggle recommences it will be under 
different auspices, and with a common accord. 

The correspondent of the Courier and Enquirer, Mr. Sigma, 
should have reflected a moment before he compared the state of 
affairs in Rome with the state of things in the United States of 
America, where the struggle for independence is over, and 
where the country has enjoyed many years of peace and pros- 
perity. Let us consider what was her position during her rev- 
olution. At the commencement, she had good officers already 
made. She had a country to defend into which an enemy could 
not penetrate without almost certain destruction — vastly differ- 
ent from Italy. She had a strong foreign legion in her pay. 
She afterward had the direct support of one powerful nation, 
and the good wishes of some others, beside the sympathy of a 
strong party in England itself. The transition from her former 
to her latter state was not so great a difference ; for personal 
liberty, the laws, customs, and municipal institutions suffered 
but little change ; freedom was not to her a state unknown. 
But with the Italians, liberty was a state for ages totally un- 
known, and it is therefore surprising that no excesses, no 
abuses occurred. Far be it from me to depreciate the noble 
efforts so successfully and gloriously made to establish Ameri- 
can Freedom, but I wish, in simple justice, that the extraordi- 
nary difficulties and sufferings of the Italians should be fairly 
appreciated. Itaty, for ages under the demoralizing rule of 
despotic princes, priests, and superstition, had to contend, sin- 
gle-handed, against the gold and the combined bayonets of for- 
eign princes and aristocrats ; against the subtle intrigues of 
Jesuits and aristocrats within ; and last, though not least, 
against British diplomacy in the disguise of friendship. 

The Republican party at the beginning of the Revolution, 
acting upon pure patriotic principles, and having in view the 
delivery of the country from foreign oppression, before any 
other consideration, stifled its private opinion, to join in one 
common cause against the common enemy. It was only after 
the destruction of that sacred cause, and the abandonment of 
Lombardy by Charles Albert, that the Rebublicans came for- 
ward as the sole remaining chance of retrieving the hopes of 
the country ; for it being clear that the royalists either could 
not or would not act, a prolonged seclusion would have been as 
culpable, as it would have been injudicious for them to have 
earlier pushed themselves forward without having first allowed 
a fair field and every possible assistance to the royalist party in 



AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 23 

its endeavor to liberate the country. Whether the royalist 
party in its turn acted in the same generous manner, is a ques- 
tion hardly worth asking, since it is notorious that their creed 
is diametrically opposed to the philanthropic Republican princi- 
ple. Monarchy and Aristocracy being based upon selfishness — 
upon the aggrandisement of the few to the detriment of the many, 
they can only maintain their positions by fraud, corruption, su- 
perstition, intrigue, physical force, and the ignorance of the 
masses. The Republican party had, therefore, to act under 
immense difficulties. Not only had it to make head against 
foreign foes, but at the same time to counteract the insidious 
efforts of the Royalist-Aristocracic-Jesuitical party, and of 
British diplomacy. 

Peculiar circumstances enabled this engine to act with more 
than its usual effect, for the British Foreign Secretary having, 
for motives best known to himself, excited and encouraged the 
Italian movement, especially in Sicily, the mass of the popula- 
tion was easily persuaded by false friends, to place reliance in 
these slippery promises. The experience of past and present 
times teaches us that implicit reliance can be reposed on the 
good faith of nearly every Englishman as a private gentle- 
man. The same experience demonstrates that no reliance 
whatever can be placed upon the faith of any Minister up to 
the present time ; and as if this disease were approaching a 
crisis, the present Foreign Secretary has far surpassed all his 
predecessors. Such acts as those of Sicily, Genoa, Parga, 
used to be scattered over a lapse of years ; but the achievements 
of Lord Palmerston crowd close upon each other. Scarcely 
has his Lordship obtained for England one of her blackest pages 
in history through the Oporto tragedy of '47, when he begins 
to play his tricks in Italy, as if he considered the millions of 
human beings as mere toys for him to use in gratifying his 
pique for the Spanish marriages. Unfortunate people ! — aye, 
and unfortunate Palmerston ! if to be a Lord and a Minister it 
be necessary to be devoid of humanity and of honesty. 

The habitual abandonment by the English Cabinet of the va- 
rious nations or parties compromised through its instigation, 
has raised a general distrust which affects even the individuals 
of the nation. The whole nation is not, properly speaking, 
responsible for this, since it has not universal suffrage ; there- 
fore, only a portion of the people can by their votes protest 
against the dishonor such conduct entails upon their country. 

In the limited space of a letter I cannot enter into the painful 
details of the events of the Lombard-Venetian revolution of 
'48, or the train of disasters brought about by the Piedmontese 
Camarilla in the spring of '49. I can only hazard a few obser- 
vations, in consequence of the accusations against the people 



24 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 

contained in the above mentioned correspondence of Sigma. 
The aristocrats and Jesuits have had the advantage of an or- 
ganization which it has taken ages to perfect. The Republi- 
cans had to organize as they proceeded, so that much bad seed 
scattered by the Jesuits sprung up with the good seed sown by 
the patriots. The Jesuitical enemy could conspire and strike 
in the dark ; the patriots do not use such means. The Jesuiti- 
cal enemy had (and has) inexhaustible funds for every species of 
corruption, while the patriots frequently want that which is 
absolutely necessary for subsistence. In short, all the advanta- 
ges, one excepted, lie on the side of the despots ; that one is the 
advantage of fighting under the banner of Reason and Justice ! 
Reason and Justice cannot be crushed! They may be persecut- 
ed, gagged, calumniated, compressed — but never extinguished. 
They may be chained, and plunged to the bottom of a sea of 
blood, yet they will buoy themselves to the surface, acquiring 
fresh purity and brightness from each new persecution. 

This writer cites in his letter certain daughters of Popes and 
Cardinals who are known to him to be prostitutes. From these 
he might certainly learn some tales of the profligacy of the 
priesthood, for none could instruct him better on that head ; but 
they are not exactly the fittest instructors upon other subjects. 
This fact, however, accounts for his circulating the same calum- 
nies invented by the Jesuits against the Liberals, using even the 
very words and expressions constantly in the mouths of the 
priests. When Citizen Bonaparte first prostituted the French 
bayonets in the service of the Pope, such accusations might 
have found some persons to give ear to them ; but they wont 
do now ; people 1 in Italy know better ; they know their false- 
hood, and the motives for which they were promulgated. 

Our author says further, that " if the French intervention had 
not occurred, inconstant and unjust as it was, the Roman Re- 
public would have died of itself from five distinct causes. 
1. Abandonment. 2. Atrophy. 3. Paralysis. 4. Phrehsy. 
5. Gangrene." The despots and Jesuits were, I presume, as 
well informed upon this subject as the writer of this sentence 
could possibly be, and if they had believed that there had been 
the slightest hope of its dying from any one of these causes, be 
assured they would not have let slip so advantageous a circum- 
stance. This insane intervention was only determined upon 
after experience had proved that the Constitution of the Repub- 
lic was so strong as to resist the effects of all the poisons which 
were secretly and abundantly administered every hour by the 
agents of the Royal -Aristocratic -Jesuitical conclave. The 
northern powers were the instigators of this project, in the 
double hope of ruining the Roman Republic, and at the same 
time disgusting the French nation with their President and 



AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 25 

their Republic, so as to pave the way for the fall of Napoleon 
the Little, and the restoration of Henry the Vth. Napoleon the 
Great destroyed the Republics of Genoa and Venice. His pig- 
my nephew, endeavoring to imitate his uncle only in the darkest 
pages of his history, has brought about his own ruin, and thus 
far has played the game of the despots. But the good sense of 
the people, the righteousness of their cause, will save from 
destruction both the Republics of France and of Italy. From 
having held a command in the Italian Provinces, I can certify 
to the tenacity of life in even the remotest extremities of the 
Roman Republic. I do not know of one instance in which, 
when we had been driven from any position by overwhelming 
forces, and obliged to abandon a town or a village, the Austri- 
ans, on entering the place, did not find the tree of liberty erect, 
though the inhabitants well knew that a heavy fine, and perhaps 
other severer punishment would be the consequence. Nor do I 
know of one instance in which the Austrians could find a native 
to cut down these trees, consequently the Austrian pioneers had 
themselves to perform the operation. 

linder the head of Abandonment, Sigma proceeds in a strain 
more suited to a Northern despot than to a free American citi- 
zen, attempting to prove that no revolution can succeed unless 
diplomatically recognized by the European Powers. The first 
desideratum for a revolutionary government, according to my 
notion, is to secure the independence ot the country ; that done, 
the " recognitions " will come of themselves. Such old gov- 
ernments as do not think proper to exchange courtesy with the 
new one, may let it alone. During a revolution, the friendship 
of royal governments is neither to be expected nor desired ; it 
would be a dangerous protection. Had the American Charge, 
in the name of a free people, recognized the Roman Republic, 
that would have been a matter of exultation and encouragement. 

How does Sigma dare to charge the Republicans with the 
death of Rossi? Nobi.dy knows who struck the blow, which 
was given on the steps of the Assembly, in the midst of the 
soldiers and of the police of the Jesuits, (though nominally the 
Pope's,) who did not interfere. Many have been the surmises 
on this subject. Rossi had once been banished by the influence 
of the Jesuits, who never liked him, and who never forget nor 
forgive! I can make no positive accusation, but this I can 
assert, that the Republicans do not use these means, while his- 
tory cannot count the numbers of victims who have fallen under 
the poignards of Jesuits and tyrants, who always contrive, if 
possible, to lay their own crimes to the charge of their adversa- 
ries. Who attempted recently to assassinate Kossuth, Bern, and 
others 1 Perhaps the Austrian Government can throw some 
light upon this inquiry, while the Sardinian Government can 



26 



THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 



perhaps furnish some particulars respecting the ahortive attempt 
of a similar nature against Mazzini, in the month of January- 
last. Perhaps Massimo Tapparelli, (commonly called D'Aze- 
glio,) can inform us what Jesuitical influence exists in the Pied- 
montese Cabinet. 

The accusations of Sigma increase in virulence under the 
head of Atrophy. Does he not see how inconsistent he is when 
he charges the Government of Rome with " unrighteous confis- 
cations," while in the same sentence he names as one of the 
causes of its pecuniary embarrassment the fact that it had " rec- 
ognized all the debts of the old regime V The Government had 
fearlessly and righteously ordered that sundry public lands be- 
longing to the poor, but which the convents had pilfered, should 
be restored to the lawful possessors, so that the desire of the 
doners who bequeathed these lands for the use of the poor, 
should be in reality carried into effect. Persons can imagine 
much better than I can describe the rage of the Monks and Je- 
suits at this proceeding, and it is almost needless to add that the 
lands are now taken back again to serve as they did before, for 
the maintenance of indolent friars. Sigma says that the Govern- 
ment had neither means nor credit ; yet a few lines below he 
says that it paid for everything. Yes, to its honor be it said, 
" it paid for every tiring." Neither " three millions of dollars," 
nor even one cent, was " given to the populace for their toler- 
ance." Why how can Sigma expect people to believe that a 
government which he declares to have been " without credit or 
means," could have squandered with a more lavish hand than 
the Emperor of Russia ! It was only by the most rigid econ- 
omy that the Government could meet the most urgent wants. 
The Assembly abolished some imposts which pressed heavily 
upon the working classes. These taxes the Cardinals have re- 
established. The issue of paper money was the work of Pa- 
pacy — the Triumvirate curtailed it as much as possible. 

And on the third head, Paralysis, the Republicans receive a 
mass of abuse in nearly the same language as that so lavishly 
bestowed upon them by the Jesuits. The defenders of Rome 
are called foreigners, &c. &c. The foreigners were very few. 
As near as I can number them I should say there were in Rome 
about a hundred and fifty Poles, about forty French, a few, (per- 
haps a dozen,) Corsicans, (though they could hardly be styled 
foreigners,) about a dozen between Germans and Hungarians, and 
four English. The French were never placed in a position to fight 
against their countrymen. Besides the above number in Rome 
itself, I had with me in the provinces about a hundred, chiefly 
Swiss. Some of these were excellent officers ; others were of 
less value. All of them, however, fought for a principle. Per- 
haps it may be presumed that in the racks of the despotic troops 



AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 27 

there were no foreigners? The Austrian General, Nugent, 
whom I had opposed to me on the Piave, is an Englishman. On 
board of the Austrian steamer which carried me a prisoner from 
Pola to Caorle, there was an English officer named Barry. The 
Austrian Admiral was a Dane. Is it not notorious that the 
Austrian and Russian armies are full of foreign officers'? Have 
not the French their foreign legion? Was it not the British 
legion which secured the revolutions of Spain and of Portugal? 
Have not the Italian governments Swiss troops ? In short, there 
is not a nation but has foreigners in its service. The Jesuits 
would be glad to dissuade the liberals from taking advantage 
of the same thing? There were not any negroes, as Sigma pre- 
tends there were ; we would have accepted them with gratitude 
had they come, but none presented themselves. Garibaldi had 
a negro servant who always attended upon him ; he was killed 
in Rome, by a shell, while walking in the streets. Sigma pays 
but a sorry compliment to the French, when he asserts that the 
serious check they received was from a handful of " fugitives 
and vagabonds." His assertion that the Roman people were 
indifferent, is, by this time, pretty clearly manifested to the 
Pope, and the French, and to the world, to be a calumny ; what 
a noble example of perseverance this people has shown dur- 
ing the siege and since the occupation ! 

Equally destitute of foundation has the calumny against Gar- 
ibaldi been proved to be. After performing prodigies of valor 
and suffering excessive privations, when taken prisoner near 
Chiavari, he had not half a dollar upon him — the remains of a 
little sum a few faithful friends had furnished him with, to facil- 
itate his escape. When a young man, circumstances not per- 
mitting him to defend the cause of liberty in Europe, he fought 
for that cause in the New World. No tyrants could ever obtain 
the use of his uncompromising sword, and that is why the 
tyrants hale him. 

Sigma stigmatizes the Republican soldiers as " Roman hire- 
lings." He does not seem to know that the meaning of the word 
soldier is one who receives his solde, or pay ; all soldiers who 
receive their pay, are hired. Many of the Republican soldiers 
not only maintained themselves, but equipped and maintained 
some of their less wealthy companions. Some received only 
their rations ; some, having no means of their own, were obliged 
to accept their pay. If these troops can be styled hirelings, at 
any rate, since they fought for a principle, they were principled 
hirelings ; whereas, the despotic soldiery, fighting for simple 
pay, and without any regard to principles, must, by the same 
rule, be unprincipled hirelings. 

In speaking of the fourth disease, " Phrensy," he charges the 
Government with having " constantly outraged justice, and 



28 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC, ETC. 

struck at the most sacred rights," &c. Let him cite an unjust 
act of the Government — one solitary instance. True it is, that 
it struck direct at what Jesuits and tyrants call " divine right," 
for it declared the equality of all citizens. Not a single indi- 
vidual had his properly confiscated ; even those nobles and Je- 
suits openly in arms against the Government, had their families 
and their properties respected. Can the Royalists say this 
much ? Sigma is accusing the Government of having done pre- 
cisely that which many have censured it for not having done ! 
The nobles and Jesuits did lock up their money — but not from 
fear. This act was done with the mischievous project of pro- 
ducing distress among the people, thus to excite them to discon- 
tent, and to embarrass the Government. No shops were ever 
shut except during the night, as in ordinary times. If any 
houses outside or inside Rome suffered from the effects of the 
struggle, it is the invaders who should be reproached with the 
injury, and who should repair the damage. 

It is false that the Assembly voted itself a sum of money be- 
fore separating. A proposition was made by some member, 
whose name I forget, to the effect that the Deputies should have 
the means furnished them of proceeding out of the State; this 
was instantly negatived by universal disapprobation. The mem- 
bers who had not sufficient for their expenses to carry them to 
a foreign land, received what was strictly necessary from a pri- 
vate fund which was among themselves ; while the public funds, 
which might have been carried away to assist the emigration, 
or to further agitation and propagandism, were left in the coffers 
of the State, and fell into the hands of their successors. 

Finally, as to •' Gangrene," in reply to which, I confess that 
in the head quarters of Popery there was much corruption ; but 
the Pope and Jesuits, not the people, are to be blamed for that. 
It was to remedy these evils that the people made their revolu- 
tion, and, in a short time, they effected incredible ameliorations. 
It was to prevent these ulcers from being cured that the Jesuits 
and their allies, the nobles, got French, Austrian, Neapolitan, 
Swiss and Spanish bayonets, backed by British diplomacy. 
Yet, notwithstanding these fearful odds against us, we still hope 
that the cause of humanity may eventually triumph over mis- 
representations, corruption and violence. 

H. FORBES. 



THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND THE ITALIAN 
PEOPLE. 

Springfield, Monday, June 5. 
To the Editor of the Tribune : 

Since you have been so obliging - as to insert in your columns 
my reply to the calumnies of Sigma against the Roman Repub- 
lic, I am encouraged again to trespass on your patience by send- 
ing you a few observations touching a system of misrepresenta- 
tion which has been insidiously disseminated throughout this 
country, as likewise in Europe. 

The Aristocratic-Jesuitical party seems to be especially in- 
terested in distorting the Italian question, not only because it 
involves the immediate welfare of some twenty-five millions of 
human beings, but likewise because, from its religious, as well 
as from its geographical position, it could not fail to exercise 
an immense influence upon the cause of civil and religious lib- 
erty throughout the entire world. By most artful misrepresen- 
tations this party endeavors to deprive the Liberals of the 
sympathy of American freemen. 

In monarchial countries it is studiously inculcated among the 
people that they ought to be overwhelmed with respect and 
gratitude whenever the Prince relinquishes some small portion 
of his power, as the means of preserving the remainder. 

Let us imagine that a joint stock company had deposited 
their funds or other valuables in the hands of an agent, and this 
agent were to take it into his head to appropriate the whole to 
his own use, leaving the company in a state of destitution. Let 
us imagine that this agent, fearful lest the company might come 
and forcibly take back its property, were to hire a band of ruf- 
fians to protect him, and that this mercenary gang were to beat, 
imprison, or kill the poor defrauded merchants. Let us imag- 
ine that their friends and neighbors, having united to assist 
them, this dishonest agent, rather than risk a fight, were to re- 
store to the company a tithe of his plunder, and then were to 
have the effrontery to tell them that they ought to be grateful 
for his generosity — what would you sny of such a fellow'? 

Such is precisely the relative position of People and of 
Prince. The oppression of the Pope is even more odious, for 
he, uniting the temporal to the spiritual dominion, destroys all 
confidence between man and man, all affection in families ; he 
works upon the superstition of the masses, using for political 
purposes the power he claims to exercise as head of the Catho- 
lic Church, shutting men out of heaven for not obeying his 
3* 



80 THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND 

authority as king. But not to enter on theological discussion, 
which is out of place here, let us class the Pope (where he so 
obstinately insists upon being included) among the temporal 
Princes, and let us impartially weigh the conduct of these 
Princes toward the People. 

When the oppression of the Italian Government, had, in '47, 
risen to such an excess that the Princes could no longer with- 
stand the popular movement, these artful men, acting under the 
advice of a British peripatetic Ambassador, placed themselves at 
the head of the Liberal party — to lead, and to mislead it. W hat 
else could be expected from royal and Jesuitical diplomatists ? 
When were Princes ever known to have reformed themselves? 

King Ferdinand of Naples (commonly called Bomba) is the 
most cruel tyrant of the present day, even past ages cannot 
show a worse one. Once he gave way to the popular will, 
and accepted the Constitution. Unfortunate day ! Had he not 
done that act of deceit, he would have been swept away, and 
would not have had the opportunity, shortly afterward, to be- 
tray and to exterminate those same men who had saved his 
crown and his life. No sooner had the noble generosity of the 
too confiding multitude removed from his cowardly soul the fear 
of punishment, and persuaded him that he could, with impuni- 
ty, conspire against the nation, than, together with his Jesuiti- 
cal companions, he laid schemes for enacting a modern St. 
Bartholomew. Through the instrumentality of the priests, 
who from the altars declared that their religion was in danger, 
this iniquitous clique worked upon the superstition of the Laz- 
zaroni, exciting them by the double motive of religion and of 
plunder. List* of the doomed families were distributed by the 
confidential agents of this modern Nero. The police marked 
the houses devoted to destruction, while bands of Lazzaroni, 
each led by a priest and a police agent, carried destruction from 
dwelling to dwelling, promiscuously massacreing men, women, 
and children, and plundering their houses. The soldiers of this 
royal tiger, aiding the bands above alluded to, traversed the 
city, attacking every group of Liberals, who, with the courage 
of despair, congregated together for mutual protection. 

The Swiss troops (recruited almost exclusively from the 
ranks of the Sonderbund) surpassed the others in ferocity. As 
a specimen, I can cite one circumstance : About 400 Liberals 
having taken refuge in a house, these barbarians contrived to . 
break down the stair-case, to prevent escape ; then setting fire 
to the building, all perished in the flames. This conduct of the 
Swiss w y as the more surprising, since they had but a few days 
previous shown marked sympathy with the Liberals. The 
change was brought about by the subtlety of the Jesuits, who, 
by sending agents of their own under the disguise of Liberals, 



THE ITALIAN PEOPLE. 



31 



to quarrel with the Swiss, marched them against the enemies 
of the King under feelings of personal irritation. The respon- 
sibility of these atrocities lies, therefore, more on the shoulders 
of the King and the Jesuits than on those of the troops. 

Such is the rule of the King of Naples. As an undisguised 
tyrant, he is less dangerous than some others. He acts up to 
the maxim that the kingdom is his by divine right ; and, like a 
certain English Duke, he says, " Can I not do as I will with 
my own ? " A few days sooner or later this monster must fall, 
amid universal execration. 

The Grand Duke of Tuscany has shown himself to be at 
heart as great a tyrant as his brother-in-law, Bomba ; but he is 
more cunning. He formerly abolished capital punishment for 
all crimes — even for murder — yet at the same time, without 
trial, banished to the most unhealthy parts of the Maremma, all 
persons suspected of Liberal opinions. Thus, with true Jesu- 
itical hypocrisy, while he contrived to rid himself of those op- 
posed to his despotism, he subjected his victims to greater suffer- 
ing than if he had handed them over at once to the executioner. 
Though he had solemnly engaged to uphold the Constitution, 
he nevertheless clandestinely absconded — issued an incendiary 
proclamation, exciting the Tuscans to cut each other's throats — 
and, on finding that they had too much good sense to listen to 
his exhortations, he invoked the Austrian intervention. The 
desire of the mass of the population was to unite with the Ro- 
man Republic, but the intrigues of British diplomacy and of 
the Piedmontese Camarilla, operating upon the weakness of 
some persons of influence in the country, who allowed them- 
selves to be misled by these promises and menaces, the much 
desired union was deferred — the Grand Duke returned to 
Florence, supported by Austrian bayonets, and the Jesuits be- 
came masters of the field. Who were their first victims? 
Those very persons whom they had mystified, and through 
whose culpable weakness in listening to their honeyed words 
they had returned to power ! The British Ambassador, who 
was mainly instrumental in this restoration — who was the first 
person to fete the entry of the Austrians — lost all influence 
under the new order of things, so that he is now as busily em- 
ployed in unmaking as he was before at creating — not from 
humanity, but from pique. On the return of the Grand Duke, 
his Royal Highness caused the prison doors to be opened to the 
most atrocious criminals, in order to make room for political of- 
fenders. He turned loose the rogues, and put in prison the 
honest men ! How truly royal ! 

The Pope, who had always been a most weak man, was, 
when first elected, entirely under the guidance of Cardinal Micari, 
of his confessor Graziosi, and the advocate Silvani — all three 



32 



THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND 



libsral minded men. Unfortunately these good men were all of 
them suddenly and simultaneously taken ill, and all of them 
died. Then the Pope fell into other hands, and he attempted 
to undo all the good he had commenced. His deeds may be 
considered, from the death of the three persons above mentioned, 
more as the work of the conclave, than his own spontaneous 
acts. All the accusations with which he charged the Triumvi- 
rate, have been proved to be false, while, without the slightest 
hesitation, he himself commits those very crimes; witness, 
among other proofs, the Decree of Confiscation just published 
in Rome. The British Foreign -Secretary, however active he 
may have been in crushing the European movement, has by his 
direct agency contributed but little to the crimes of the Roman 
reaction; the Pope did not want his stimulus. Moreover, the 
British Consul at Home is an honorable, independent merchant, 
who has never been contaminated by the Jesuitical lessons 
taught in the school of diplomacy. 

However numerous and fatal may have been the faults of 
Carlo Alberto on previous occasions, nevertheless he seems to 
have been determined, in the spring of 1849, to try a last des- 
perate effort to wipe off the stains upon his reputation ; but all 
was useless. The Camarilla effectually thwarted all his pro- 
jects ; the disaster of Novara put an end to his career, and he 
in his turn, found himself an exile. The Republicans, had 
they not been interfered with by French intervention in Rome, 
could have remedied these disasters. They were organizing, 
in the centre of Italy, a truly patriotic and strong government ; 
one which derived its power not through the oppression of those 
at the head of the State, but from the popular sympathy upon 
which it was founded — from its wisdom, its moderation, its 
justice, its firmness, its honesty. This new Government, though 
surrounded by all sorts of difficulties, was fearlessly placed in 
comparison with the long-established governments on all sides 
of it, that all nations might see which system worked the best. 
Such philanthropic projects could not but meet with the opposi- 
tion of the despots, and the Republic now lies prostrate, stunned, 
but not dead. The tyrants and their organs have dared to say 
that the people are not fit to govern themselves, because they 
avoid the vices of their former oppressors. The princes accuse 
the people, who required reforms, of being actuated by a desire to 
plunder. Have not the princes committed every species of rapine 
and plunder? Where can one instance of this be found on the 
part of the people in insurrection'? 1 will cite one example out 
of many of the people's honesty. While proclamations of thjs 
nature were yet on the walls of the Tuscan cities, a citizen of 
Leghorn, alarmed at seeing a great crowd in the streets, ran off 
home from his store, with his handkerchief full of dollars ; the 



THE ITALIAN PEOPLE. 33 

weight broke the linen, and the dollars fell into the crowd. 
The bystanders, making a circle, helped the man in his misfor- 
tune, and collected his dollars for him ; not a cent was missing- ! 
A few days before this circumstance the police had been turned 
out of the city. During the whole of the time that there was 
no police, not a robbery ocevrred ; yet some calumniators are to 
be found, who endeavor to represent the people as unfit to be 
trusted out of leading strings. 

The people can only hope to improve their education when 
they are masters, and have the power to do so. So long as the 
tyrants have the power in their hands, every effort will be made 
to prolong the ignorance of the multitude. Could anything 
have been more orderly and decorous than were the Roman 
elections under the auspices of universal suffrage 1 Was not 
the Assembly composed of men the most eminent for their 
virtues and patriotism 1 Could any body of delegates have con- 
ducted itself with greater dignity than did the Roman represen- 
tatives of the people, amid unprecedented difficulties, and in a 
city besieged by an enemy 1 These elections and this Assem- 
bly can bear comparison with any in the world. The world has 
seen how the Republicans acted up to their principles ; how 
they forgave all their former adversaries and persecutors ; how 
they showed the most sublime moderation ; and how they have 
been rewarded by inhuman persecutions and executions. Among 
the many persons placed in responsible situations, with the com- 
mand of the resources of the country, it is now evident that not 
one of them mal-appropriated a single cent of the public money : 
while, on the contrary, there are innumerable instances of great 
sacrifices of private interest among the Republicans, for the pub- 
lic good. The patriotic exiles have, in a state of absolute pov- 
erty, left their country. What a contrast with their enemies ! 
Even a considerable portion of the very last loan obtained from 
the Kothschilds has disappeared among the Cardinals ! Will the 
public continue to uphold the cruel, and to maltreat the just 1 
Will the public praise the dishonest and blame the honest ? 
The suffering has been great; those individuals who have been 
the more immediate victims of these cruelties are to be pitied, 
and for their sake these persecutions are to be regretted. But 
the cttM.se must be strengthened by them ; it was a necessity 
that the contrast between the despots and the patriots should be 
shown in such clear colors to defy contradiction. 

Though Uome had fallen into the hands of the Jesuits, had 
Sicily been saved, it could have remained an island fortress, 
where the sacred fire of freedom could have been kept alive. 
But the Royal Camarilla of Piedmont, together with British 
diplomacy, ruined that hope likewise. '1 he Sicilians, misled 
by the delusion that they would be recognized as an independent 



34 THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND 

state by Great Britain, placed at their head a Provisional Gov- 
ernment, in which the aristocratic influence predominated. 
Trusting in the promises of the British Foreign Secretary, they 
elected a King of his dictation. Their flag was immediately 
saluted by twenty-one discharges from British vessels of war. 
The people, lulled into security, did not take those measures 
necessary for their defence. Various manoeuvres were put into 
practice, to prevent their being able to use all those means which 
were within their reach, while finally, abandoned by their King 
elect, and likewise by British diplomacy, (as usual,) they were 
handed over to the tender mercies of King Bomba, to be by 
him persecuted and massacred. 

How could it be otherwise 1 ? Princes and diplomatists, men 
without consciences, having been allowed to direct a revolution, 
guided it where it best suited their narrow views. All revolu- 
tions which have been conducted by nobles have^ ended in their 
merely securing for themselves certain aristocratic privileges, 
as was the case in England before the Reform Bill. The Re- 
form in England in 1832 was brought about by the shopkeepers ; 
they secured for themselves the right of voting. A revolution, to 
produce benefit to the people, must be conducted by the peo- 
ple, and by such as they can place reliance in, or the people 
will always be cajoled out of the fruit of their labor. It is to 
be hoped that in the approaching contest the people may profit 
by the past dearly bought experience — that they may recollect 
how they have been betrayed by Princes, Nobles and Diploma- 
tists — that they may always bear in mind that these men are 
the allies of the Jesuits, who never forget nor forgive. All 
nations must act for the general benefit of mankind and not for 
local advantages or national aggrandisement. The despots, re- 
gardless of nationality, assist each other against the people, 
having established for that purpose a league, which they blas- 
phemously call "Holy." The immense armies which cover 
all Europe, are not directed against each other, but only against 
the people. Their device is, " divide and conquer." Not only 
do they endeavor to provoke jealousy between the cities and 
provinces of Italy, (and also of Germany,) calling a native of 
Florence a foreigner when in Rome, and vice versa — but they 
continue to foment hatred between nations, exciting Germans 
against Hungarians — Hungarians against Italians — Italians 
against Poles, &c. &c. Let the people now have their league, 
which with some greater show of reason they can call " Holy." 
May the despots never again find the students of Vienna wil- 
ling to march against the Italians. No ! Humanity, civilization, 
and the cause of the people are the same in Vienna as in Italy 
or in Hungary — they are the same on the Rhine as on the 
Danube or on the Seine. 



THE ITALIAN PEOPLE. 35 

The delusion so successfully practiced upon the merchants 
and shop keepers, is now beginning to dissipate. They see 
that the party falsely calling itself the Protector of Order, is in 
reality the subverter of all order — that, by its unscrupulous 
efforts to maintain its supremacy, it keeps the world in constant 
agitation — that it is the enemy of all improvement, civilization 
and education. This party was so reckless that, at the risk of 
plunging all parts of Europe into civil war, it destroyed credit 
and confidence, for the purpose of laying the blame on the lib- 
erals, and exciting against them the indignation of those very 
persons, for whose benefit the patriots were toiling. 

Europe is now fast dividing itself into two camps. In the 
one are to be found the Pope, Kings, Nobles and Jesuits, mar- 
shalled under the banner of despotism. In the other is the peo- 
ple, collected under the banner of liberty. These two princi- 
ples cannot coexist. Should by any misfortune the Cossacks 
succeed in subduing Europe for a time to their influence, then 
in no part of the world will Liberty be allowed a hiding-place — 
not even the New World will be free from the scourge of des- 
potism. American citizens have every inducement to sympa- 
thize with the European patriots — for the love of Justice — for 
their interest — for the sake of tranquility, prosperity and com- 
merce, which cannot flourish till Liberty be triumphant. — The 
people cannot be exterminated, and until they obtain equal 
rights, all expectation of their being quiet and contented, is a 
dream. There may be, as there is now, a lull between the 
storms — but that is not peace. Europe owes much to Ameri- 
ca for having shown how well a Democratic Government works ; 
on the other hand, if the millions of emigrants who have left 
Europe through disgust at the despotic system, had remained 
there, and had worked for the general good, the Old World 
would now be free. 

This great question might two years ago have been settled 
nearly without a struggle, had British diplomacy sincerely sup- 
ported the just demands of the oppressed multitudes. The 
vacillating conduct of the British Foreign Secretary, and his 
sympathy for Nobles, have brought society into its present state 
of confusion. The Patriots are willing to rely upon reason and 
argument. The Despots, however, being weak on these points, 
ojily place their faith in force, coercion, and violence. When 

THE STRUGGLE RECOMMENCES, MAY GOD PROTECT THE RIGHT ! 

Yours, &c, H. FORBES. 






FOUR LECTURES 



RECENT EVENTS Iff ITALY 



Mittmit in ttiB H ntr-^nrk imtnrattr, 



BY H. FORBES, 



MARCH, 1851 



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